Full text of "The colonial history of Vincennes, under the French, British and American governments [microform] : from its first settlement down to the territorial administration of General William Henry Harrison, being an address delivered by Judge Law, before the Vincennes Historical and Antiquarian Society, February 22d, 1839 : with additional notes and illustrations"

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THE

€almml Jijstffrg 0f WmttmtB,

UNDER TUB

FRENCH, BRITISH AND AMERICAN GOVERNMENTS,

FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT DOWN TO THE TERRITORIAL ADMINISTRATION
Off GENERAL WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, BEING AN ADDRESS

DELIVERED

BY JUDaE TL,JSJW,

BEFORE

THE VINCENNES HISTORICAL AND ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY,

FEBBUABY 22D, 1839,

WITH ADDITIONAL NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

-*♦»-

i ' \

VINCENNES:
HARVEY, MASON «Sj Co.

1858.

4 ;

1 ■

LETTER OF DEDICATION.

Hox. Lewis Cass: —

Thirtv-five years siiicc, in the month of June,
1822, \vc made our first acqiuiintance at "The
Post" — ^you on your exploring expedition to the
head waters of the ]Mississippi — I then a young-
man, jubt commencing my professional career in the
new 8tate of Indiana.

What changes have been effected since that pe-
riod, in and along the Valleys, formed by the streams
you navigated, and flowing into the "Father of
Waters," whose fountain head you Avere probably
the first white man to visit? Leaving Detroit in
your birch canoe — ascending the Maumee — crossing
the portage and descending the Wabash and Ohio,
yf^u entered the Mississippi and pushed your frail \

bark to the sources of that great river. How few
were the resources of the immense inland coast, • I

along which you voyaged at the time mentioned?
Wluiu wealth, population and power, are now to t j

1)0 found along its borders. The most sanguine ; |

among us, though we have lived to witness the ; {

alteration, would have been deemed insane to have
predicted it, or anything like it for a half century
past. What it will be in another half century,
neither you or I will l)e permitted to witness. Our
fervent prayers should be, that the same Provi-
dence that has hitherto watched over and protected
us, may continue its guardianship, and preserve us
and those who are to come after us, the same pros-
perous, happy, and above all, united people.

Aside from my high regard for you personally, I
dedicate this small volume of the incidents con-
nected with the colonial history of "Post Vincen-
nes " to yoUy because you yourself have for the great-

? : !!

i ■

•ii

' I !

RUE^

DEDICATION.

er portion of yoiir long and active life been inti-
mately associated with the rise and progi-ess of the
North-Western Territory. To ym, whose early
life and mature years have been devoted to the ad-
vancement and prosperity of the " Great West," of
which for so many years "The Post " was the cen-
tre, and around which, as a nucleus, four of the
great States of the Union have clustered.

With great regard,

Your obedient servant,

JOHN LAW.
Vincennes, Feb. 24, 1868.

PREFACE.

The great interest which has been taken in the
Colonial History of "Post Vixcexnes" and its
intimate connection with the Colonial History of
the whole North- Western Territory, in addition to
the fact, that the whole edition of the "address"
delivered before the "Vincennes Historical and
Antiquarian Society" in 1839, amounting to two
thousand copies, has long since been exhausted, has
induced the author, at the earnest solicitation of
others, to issue another edition with notes and illus-
trations, which it was impossible to combine with
the address — but which are interesting as still furth-
er elucidating, the subject matter of the address
itself. These memorials of the early settlement of
the North-Western Territory, it is due to ourselves
and those who come after us, to preserve if possi-
ble. The field is a large one, and what is more,
rich and productive in incidents of the most inter-
esting character. I have but gleaned a few con-
nected with the early settlement of "The Post " so
called *?par excellence," as the rallying point of an
Empire, extending from the Lakes to the Ohio,
from the Miami to the Mississippi — and now con-
taining within its borders the four great States of
Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin.

I know of no portion of our country richer in his-
torical incident. For surely a town which is one of
the oldest on the Continent— one for the possession
of which, the greatest nations of the earth have
contended — France, England, and the United
States. One located upon the beautiful stream
which flows before it, the " Ouabache." A river
known and noted on the maps of the West long be-
fore the Ohio was known in the geography of the Mis.

I'Kr.FAf'K.

sippi Vall(\v. A y'ivdv which hr nearly a century
bore upon its waters tlie bateaux of the thi*ee great
powers above mentioned, bringing their armed war-
riors to occupy, and it* possible, to preserve it. One
which has seen within its garrison the jNIousque-
taire of Louis XV, the grenadier of George the
III, the riHemen of Clark, and the regular troops
of Harmar, St. Clair, and Harrison — one al)ovo
which has floated the " Fleur de Lys," the "Cross
of St. George" and the glorious "Stars and Stripes "
of our beloved country — is surely worthy of at least
a passing notice by those who are now reaping the
rich fruits of a conquest, made under the most ad-
verse and trying circumstances, and with a skill
and bravery not unsurpassed in the most glorious
triumphs of the revolution. The reader need not
be informed that I refer to the conquest of "Post
VixcEXNEs," and the capture of Hamilton and his
troops, on the memorable 24th of February 1779,
by General George Rogers Clark. To him, in my
opinion, considering the results of that conquest,
the vast addition of Territory acquired by it, and
the incalculable advantages to the people who now
occupy it, and to the country at large, the United
States are more indebted than to any other General
of the Revolution — Washington alone excepted.

In conclusion I would say to you who inhabit the
Territory thus acquired, by the valor and sufferings
of Clark and his gallant followers, nearly eighty
years since, if I should impress upon your minds
and those of your children, who are to succeed you,
the debt of gratitude which you owe to these brave
men, long since gathered to their fathers, I shall
not have labored for nought or written in vain.

JOHN LAW.

VixcENNES, Feb. 24th, 1858.

CONTENTS.

ADDRESS DEFOKE THE HISTORICAL SUCIETV.

TIkj Early Sottl(<inont nud Progress of Vinconnes — The Peculiar
Interest with which the subject is invested — The first Sottleuieuts
at "Chippo Coke'' by the French — Missionaries — Navigation of
Iho 'NVubnsh — Early Descriptions of the Country— First Mention
of Vinconnes— Father Marest's Mistake — Visit of Volney — Inter-
view between Father Mermet and the " Medicine Man " — Terrible
Ravages of Disease — Condition of the People for half a century
after the settlement of the Town — Francois Morgan de Vinsenne -
The War between France and England — The Expedition of Col.
George Rogers Clark— Aided by M. Gibault — Col. Francis Vigo
— Clurk Marches against Vinconnes — Sufferings of his Troops —
His Letter to the Inhabitants — Order to Gov. Hamilton — Clark
Captures the Fort, February !24th, 1779— Terms of Capitulation —
Important Results of Clark's Conquest — Cession of the North-
western Territory by Virginia to the General Government — Gen.
TIarmar — Division of the North-Western Territory — Diversity of
• Materials which enter into the History of the Old Post 1 — 45

NOTES TO THE ADDRESS.

T. — M istakc of the North American Review 45

II.— Gen. Clark's Pecuniary Difficulties 49

III. — The Great Benefits to the Country of Clark's Conquest —
Professor Bliss 50

APPENDIX.

Services of Clark — His Patriotism — Shameful Treatment by the
Government, 53

GENERAL HAMILTON.
His Imprisonment and Career after his Capture by Clark 61

TECUMSEH.
Character— His In Huence with the Tribe— Council with Gen. Har-
rison—His Great Scheme — Its Failure 74

PUBLIC LANDS.
The Disposition, Settlement and Allotment of the Public Lands
in the "Old Vincennes Land District," under the French,
. English and American Grants lOG

TERRITORIAL ACQUISITION.
The Extension of Our Territorial Limits to the Mississippi at
the Treaty of Peace in 1783— Causes Operating to Produce
that Extension— Erection of Forts by Clark — Surveys 129

LA BALM'S EXPEDITION.
LaBalm's Expedition and Defeat 132

. :'

Vill CONTENTS.

ANCIENT GRANT.
Copy of tho Oldest Written Grant of Land at Vinoennea 136

THE WESTERN SUN.
The Fiiat Newspaper Printed in tho Indiana Territory— The
Editor— The Difficulties Attending its Establishment 137

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.
The Catholic Church at Vinoennes— Its Early Establishment and
Progress— Influence on the Indian Tribes olong the Wabash.. 140

EARLY MILITIA.
List of Effective— Men belonging to Capt. Pierre Gamelin's Com-
pany at Post Vinconnes, July 4th, 1790 157

I'; II

ADDRESS.

Having been solicited by that portion of my fel-
low-citizens, who are menibors of the "Vincennes
Historical and Antiquarian Society," to prepare an
aihlrcss, connected with the early settlement, the
rise, and the progress of our ancient Borough-— I
have thought that no occasion could, perhaps, be
ujore appropriate tor its delivery than the one on
which we are assembled. Dating its origin long be-
fore the birth of the "Father of his Countiy," a sol-
itary spot in the wilderness long after his advent on
the stage of action — scarcely known ev*^n at the
date of his decease, we have seen it in tii^ present
century forming a nucleus fi'om which has arisen
three great States— embracing a population proba-
bly tivo times as large as that which belonged to
our parent State, Virginia, at the treaty of peace in
1783, and one of them, our own State, at the last
Presidential election giving, of the fi'ee white suf-
frage polled on that occasion, the fifth highest vote
of all the States in the Union. Could it be permit-
ted to him, who was "first in war, first in peace, and
first in the hearts of his countrymen," to look down
from the mansions of bliss, where "he rests from
Ills labors," upon the work of his hands, and see
an empire called into existence since his departure

ADDRESS.

— abounding in wealth — in* intelligence — ^in patriot-
ism, and love of country; inhabited by freemen, the
descendants of those whom he had led to battle,
strong in their attachment to liberty, and able and
willing to maintain it; proud of the appellation of
American citizens, and deeply imbued with the
republican principles so admirably set forth in his
Farewell Address ;— could he see the country nortli-
west of the river Ohio, which, even at the period of
his departure for another and a better world, was
the abode, for the most part, of the Son of the For-
est, or the game which constituted his daily subsist-
ence—now dotted with cities and villages — covered
with cultivated fields — and the residence of upwards
of two millions of beings, most of whom have come
on the stage of action since that period ; how would
his heart swell with joy, his bosom throb with pleas-
ure, at the reflection, that these glorious results, are
but a part and parcel of that admirable system of
government, the foundation of which was cemented
by the blood of his fellow patriots of the revolution,
and the superstructure of which was the work, in
part, of his own hands. For aught we know, my
countrymen, his spirit may at this very moment be
hovering over this assembly. That Being, who is
all wise and powerful, and who created him, like
Moses of old, to lead our fathers from a "land of
Egyptian bondage to the Land of Promise" — may»
for aught we finite beings loiow, and for the same
purposes for which he created him, permit him to
see, and to watch over, and to guard the rights and
happiness of their descendants. Lot us at least act

t
11

ADDRESS.

as if we felt the influence of his counsels, and pre-
serve them, as the richest legacy we can hand down
to those who are to come after us. If there is any
one subject which should engage the earnest atten-
tion of the human mind — ^if there is any one in
which mankind are particularly interested, it is the
history of their species. The interest in the sub-
ject is much increased by the particular relation-
ship which wfc bear, to the country whose history
wo are so anxious to thoroughly understiind. There
is a sort of selfishness in the matter, which, after
all, constitutes the trae love of country. It is this
feeling which is the father to all genuine patriot-
ism, and without it, there would be but little in-
ducement for action. We read with infinitely more
pleasure, in childhood, the relations which are given
us of the struggle for independence here^ than we
ever did, or ever can that of any other republic,
which has heretofore, either in ancient or modern
time, acquired its liberty. We may, and no doubt
do, dote on isolated cases of patriotism, and love of
country, as we find them recorded in other times
and in other places. Our feelings are enlisted —
our blood comes quicker through our veins, while
reading the stories of Grecian and Roman struggles
for independence — and it is the same with the more
modern contests, between the sovereign and his op-
pressed subjects. We enter the lists — ^we fight over
the battles, in our mind's eye, of Marathon and
Thermopylae. The strongest feelings of the human
heart are enlisted in behalf of the oppressed, and of
those contending, as we believe, for their rights.

ADDRESS.

'IP

But what boy who reads of the struggle at Concord^
and the battle of Bunker Hill, but that feels an in-
terest in the story, which no pen, ancient or modern,,
has ever given to similar engagements. He feels
that his fathers were there before him — ^that the
very ground is holy — that the same blood which
waxed warm in that contest^ when bayonet crossed
bayonet in deadly strife, is i.'unning through his own

veins ; and the names of those who fell there, be-
come as "household words" to him. Stand on its

gory heights and look around you — does one expe-
rience the same emotions on the heights of Atheny,.
on the Acropolis, rich as it is in classic association,
and in the recollection of a gallant nation struggling
for existence? No: The American feeling predom-
inates, and it is right it should be so. ^^Romanus.
sumy is the true watch word and battle cry of all wlio
love their country. If this feeling exists to the ex-
tent which I have described in relation to country,
does it not run through all the geographical divis-
ions into which our country is divided? The citi-
zens of one section will point you to the fields of
Trenton and Princeton^ as among the most gallant
exploits of the revolution ; another to the Brandy-
wine. The Carolinian will tell you, that the battle
of Eutaw was among the most sanguinary fought;
while the Virginian points to the siege of York-
town, as the last and brightest page in our struggle
for independence. These feelings are natural, they
are proper; and I should think little of that man's
heart, whatever I might of his head, who did
not feel and express them. It is this attachment

■

ADDRESS. 5

to our own state, to our own abiding place — ^to the
land of our nativity, or our domicil, which forms
one of the strongest links of that chain which binds
us to our common country. But I will go farther.
There is, or should be, not only an attachment to
our common country, and to the state which we live
in, but a strong and abiding attachment to the very
tovm in which we are located. Without it, we can-
not feel personally interested in its welfare, in its
prosperity, in its improvement — in all which should
render it dear to us, as the abiding place of our-
selves and of those connected with us. I lay it
liown, therefore, as a principle not to be contested,
that he, who, with tlie ties which should bind him
to the place of his birtli or his adoption, does not
feel warmly, nay deeply interested in its history,
in its prosperity, in its adversity; — ^who, whether
"through good or evil report," will not protect, de-
fend, and uphold it, is neither a good citizen, attach-
ed to the state he lives in, or devoted to his eountrv.
Let others gainsay us as much as they may; let
envy detract fi'om our merit, or jealousy decry our
position, our capabilities, our business, or our taste ;
it is our duty to stick to the "Post."

As to the early history of "Chippe Coke," (the
town of Brush Wood,) or, as known in later days,
Vincennes, clouds and darkness rest upon it. At
what date it first became established as a military
position, it is almost impossible, at this late period,
actually to determine. It is well known that it was
first settled by the French. That nation, with a
tact and judgment which is wonderful, and with a

ADDRESS.

:!(!

I''

il'r

It!'

prescience which seems to be more than realized at
the present time, in relation to the country watered
by the Ohio and the Mississippi and the tributary
streams; in the latter part of the 17th century
attempted a union of their settlements on the Mis-
sissippi, with their possessions in Canada. In order
to eflfect this, they established a cordon of posts
from the Lakes to the Balize, including one or
more military stations on the Illinois and the Wa-
bash. We know, that early in the 18th century,
at least, there was one here, one at Kaskaskia before
that period, another at Peoria, and one at Ouiata-
non, or the mouth of the Wea, a short distance
below the present site of the town of Lafayette.
The project was a grand one, and but for the con-
currence of circumstances, usually attendant upon
national schemes, when colonies are to be forme<l
at a distance — and which in the event of a war with
a rival power, are the first objects of attack and con-
quest, might have been successful. And "New
France," for that was the intended designation of
this Transatlantic Empire, might, in all the ele-
ments which constitute wealth and power, by this
time have rivalled its founder; and we, instead of
being plain republican citizens, have formed a por-
tion of the subjects of the "Grand Monarque." But
the war with Great Britain, which was concluded by
the peace of 1763, transferred Canada to the British
dominion, and Louisiana by the secret treaty with
Spain in 1762, to the latter power. France was
thus stripped of all her possessions in the New
World — ^possessions acquired by immense expendi-

ADDRESS.

ture both of blood and treasure. It was in the ac-
complishment of this bold and magnificent scheme
for western empire, on the part of the French Court,
that the settlements on the Illinois and Wabash
were formed. But it was not the military sub-
jection alone of the western country that France
had in view. There was another and a higher con-
sideration — it was the establishment of the Catholic
religion — ^the established religion of France, which
she wished to introduce into her possessions on the
continent. Wherever, therefore, she sent a detach-
ment of her troops, she accompanied it with a Mis-
sionary of the Cross — and while the aborigines of the
counl-ry were kept in awe by the force of her arms,
it is no less true, and certainly more creditable,
that the child of the forest was led to obedience by
the milder but not less powerful influences of the
new creed, which their fathers, the " Robes Noir,"
<»r Black Robes as they called them, introduced to
their understanding. It is probably their imagina-
tion may have been as much influenced as their
judgment. But be this as it may, it is an admitted
fact, that the Jesuits who accompanied their expe-
ditions, did much to soften their feelings and civ-
ilize their manners, during the short period they
occupied the country; and the influence of their
doctrines, and the amenity and kindness of their
manners, are yet remembered by the tribes who
occupied a few years since the country between the
Lakes and the Ohio. No set of men, in pursuit of
any object temporal or spiritual, ever endured
greater hardships, suffered more perils, or made

ADDRESS.

•ili,

; III :

greater sacrifices, than these Reverend Fathers.
Not content simply with the establishment of their
"tabernacles in the wilderness," they followed the
Indian to his hunting gi'ounda — threaded forests —
swam rivers— crossed prairies in the midst of win-
ter — ^frequently for days Avithout food, and often
nearly without raiment. The supposed conversion
of a single Indian to the doctrines of the Catholic
church — ^the baptism of an infant, seems to them
to have been an ample reward for all their labor,
for all their toil, and for all their sufferings. —
With us in thase latter days, differing as most of
us do in our religious opinions from this school of
ecclesiastics, it is almost impossible to do them jus-
tice. As a whole, their history has been but little
studied, and less understood. They have neither
had their Livy or their Polybius. If the history
of these men — of their exertions, of their influence,
of their actions, for good or evil, ever be written
with candor, it must be in this country, the scene of
many of their labors, and I might well add of their
sufferings and their death. "No subject would
form a more imposing or interesting theme for the
historian, none demand higher qualifications, more
laborious research, and above all the most dignified
superiority to all the prepossessions of age, of coun-
try, and of creed." It is well known, that accord-
ing to the rules of the order of St. Ignatius, annual
reports were required from his followers wherever
located. The Jesuit, whether in the cold regions of
Labrador, in the Tropics, in Cochin China; in fine,
in Europe, Asia, Africa, or America, transmitted

i"i

ADDRESS.

to his superior, at the end of the year, an account
of his stewardship, in the shape of a pastoral letter.
But it was not simply the spiritual situation of his
vineyard he delineated. He described the country,
its geography, its topography, its customs, manners,
habits, traditions, language, dialects; in short, every
matter which, either in a religious, and I might add
political view, would enable his superior to judge of
the necessity of further exertion or additional aid.
And, strange as it may seem, the best and only
authentic account of the country bounded on the
north by the Lakes, east by the Miami, south by
the Ohio, and west by the Mississippi, one century
since, is in the relations made by the Jesuit Fath-
ers, giving an account of the Missionary labors in
that quarter. And I am indebted to one of these
communications in the ''^LeUres Edifiantet Curieuse,^^
(Letters Edifying and Curious), published in Paris
in 1761, for the first written notice of the "Post."
It is contained in a letter written by "Father
(-irabriel Marest, Missionary of the company of Je-
sus, to Father Grermon of the same company," dated
at Kaskaskia, an Illinois village, otherwise called
the "Immaculate Conception of the Holy Virgin,"
November the 9th, 1712, one hundred and twenty-
six years since. Cast your eyes back, my friends,
to this period, and in your mind's eye run over the
period since intervening. Where now is the good
Father, and the friend to whom he communicated?
Gathered to their fathers : generation after genera-
tion have passed away — the priest and the catechu-
men have returned to the dust from whence they

ADonses.

■',■
i-;

1^;

came, and the places which "once knew them, know
them no more for ever." One hundred and twenty-
six years since, and the country now abounding in
all the materials which constitute a great nation,
was all but a desert to the banks of the Delaware.
It is a singular fact, yet no less true, that the
M-'abash was known and navigated by the whites
long before the Ohio was known to exist. Indeed,
all the maps — and I have seen two before the year
1730— call the Ohio at its confluence with the Mis-
sissippi, "Ouabache." The reason is obvious, when
one reflects for a single instant, that the whole
course of travel to the Mississippi was either by
the Illinois or the Wabash. The only communica-
tion with the the Mississippi was by the French in
the latter part of the 17th and early in the 18th
century, and was from the Lakes. The priest and
the soldier were the the only travelers. They as-
cended the Maumee, crossed the Portage, and
descended the Wabash to this post. The nations
of Indians on the south side of the Ohio were at war
with those on this side. They wished to cross to
Kaskaskia; the Indians here told them there was
danger in descending further. They wend their
way across Illinois, aiming at the Mississippi; they
descended that stream to New Orleans ; and when
they found the Ohio pouring its flood into the
"Father of Waters," they naturally enough sup-
pose it to be the same stream they had navigated
in their voyage here, and delineate it on their maps
as the "Ouabache." In corroboration of the re-
mark here made, permit me to quote from a por-

ADDRESS.

tion of the Reverend Father's letter, above referred
to. In page 325 describing the Illinois, he says :
"About eight leagues, or 240 miles below this, (he
is writing from Kaskaskia,) on the Illinois side,
that is the east side, (for the Mississippi runs gen-
erally from north to south,) there empties another
tine river called "Ouabache." It comes from the
north-east. It has three branches, one of which
extends as far as the Iroquois ; the other runs into
Virginia and Carolina, and the third heads among
the Miamis." Now it is very evident that the river
thus described was the Ohio, and that branch of it
which is said to run up to the country owned by
the Miamis, was the Wabash. The other branches
were the main river, and the Tennessee, or the
Cumberland. The writer gives a very gTaphic de-
scription of the country bordering on the "Oua-
bache;" says it is rich in minerals, especially lead
and tin, and that if experienced miners were to
(tome out from France and work the mines, ho has
no doubt "gold and silver" would be discovered in
abundanre. That the quantity of "buffalo and
bear" which was to be found on the banks of the
Wabash, was incredible; and, in the true spirit of
an epicure, the good Father says — "the meat of a
young bear is very delicious, for I have tried it."
Thus we see that in point of antiquity, and virtue
of prior discovery and occupation, the stream we
live on takes precedence of the ^^ Belle Riviere.^^*

But to return to the immediate subject of our
address. The first notice of Vincenneff which I have

«See Note A.

ADDRESS.

1. :;

been enabled to find, with no little research, is the
one given by Father Marest in the same letter from
which I have made the above quotation, and is on
])age 333 of the volume referred to. It will be re-
membered that Volney, who was here in 179G, and
whose active mind, led him to various enquiries in
relation to our first settlement, gives it as his opin-
ion, that the first establishment made here by the
French was in 1735. And he states the ftxct, that
lie conversed with the oldest French settlers, and
with all whom he supposed could give any informa-
on the subject. It will also be recollected that the
date of Ftither Marcst's letter from Kaskaskia is
November the 9th, 1 712, twenty-three years before
t he period assigned by Volney for the establishment
of a post here. In the letter referred to, of Father
Marest, he says — "The French having lately estab-
lished a Fort on the river Wabash, demanded a
^Missionary, and Father Mermet was sent to them."
Now there can be no doubt that the river he men-
tioned, was the one we live on, and not the Ohio
with which it was, as I have mentioned, confound-
ed; and for this very obvious and plain reason, that
the French never had a ^^Foft" on the Ohio within
tlie limits eitiier of Indiana, or Illinois. And, it is
equally clear to my mind, that the post mentioned,
was the one afterwards, par excellence, called "au
Poste,"or "the Post," and subsequently "PostVin-
cennes." If I am right in my conjecture, the set-
tlement of this place by the French, may be dated
back as early as the year 1710 or '11 — ^probably the
former, inasmuch as the Fort must have been built

ADDRESS.

and garrisoned bofox'O an application was made for
a missionary; and it would take some timo to an-
swer the call from Kaskaskia, the nearest point
wliere a i)riest could be obtained. The lirst sottlo
nient of this place then, by the whites, was in the
year 1710, twenty-fiv^e years before the penod as-
signed by Volney. But it will not do to let Father
Mermet g(>, without a more particular notice of him
and his visit, seeing this was the first "labor of
love" ever undertaken in our ancient Borough..
It seenrLs, the moving impulse which led this "her-
ald of the cross" to the shores of the Wabash, an.
impidse which drew many of his brethren into the
western wilderness, was the conversion of a tribe of
Indians now extinct, but probably a branch of the
Miamis — as he says they spoke that language —
and called "Mascoutins," who had their village
near the Fort; and who, from their sti*ong attach-
ment to the superstitions of their medicine men,
were very little disposed to hear " the true faith,"
as delivered by the Reverend Father. Resolving
in his own mind the best method of overcoming
their unbelief in the true church, he concluded to
have a sort of Owen and Campbell debate, a public
iliscussion with their principal medicine men, in the
presence of the nation. But let us hear the fath-
er's own account of the matter. "The way I took,"
says the Father, " was to confound, in the presenct;
of the whole tribe, one of these charlatans, whose
'Manitou,' or Great Spirit which he worshipped,
was the 'buffalo.' After leading him on insensibly
to the avowal, that it was not the buffalo that be-

: (

ADRUE.S8.

worshipped, Imt the 'Manitou/ or Spirit of the buf-
falo, whicli was under tlie earth, and which anima-
tod all buffaloes, wli\ h heals the sick, rnd has all
])()wer; I asked him if other beasts, the bear for
instance, and wKwh some of his nation worshipped,
was not equally inhabited by a Manitou, which was
under the earth? "Without doubt," said the Grand
Medicine. "If this is so," said the Missionary,
"men ought to have a Manitou who inhabits them."
"Nothing more certain," said the Medicine man ; —
"ought not that to convince you," said the Father,
pushing his argument, "that you are not very reas-
onable? For if man upon the earth is the master
of all animals; if he kills them, if he eats them;
does it not follow that the Manitou which inhabits
him, nmst necessarily have a mastery over all other
Manitous? Why then do you not invoke him, in-
stead of the Manitou of the bear and the buffalo,
when you are sick? " " This reasoning " says the
father, "disconcerted the charlatan." But like
much other good logic in the world, I am. sorry to
add, in his own words, "this was all the effect it
produced."

A severe malady broke out in the village. The
Indians, says the father, gathered around the fort^
for the purpose of making a great sacrifice to their
Manitou. They slew thirty or forty dogs, hoisted
them on poles, and forming a procession, danced
and sang around the fort. Finding their own
efforts unable to stop the pestilence, they appealed
again to the Missionary, to stay the destroying an-
gel, who was carrying them off daily. But it seems,

ADDRESS.

neither the " Manitou" of the French or of the In-
dian was able to arrest the plague. For, says the
father, "notwithstanding all my attention, more
than half the village perished." How long Father
Merniet remained here, we are unable to say. We
find he returned to Kaskaskia, and ultimately died
there. His place, no doubt, was supplied by the
labors of another; but by whom and when, is un-
known. The records of the Catholic church here
make no mention of a missionary, until the year
1749, when Father Meurin came here; and from
that time, until the present, there has been a reg-
ular succession of the priesthood.

From the period to which I alluded, and for the
term of nearly half a century, there would be but
little to notice in the progress of this settlement,
even if we had the materials of its rise and progress
t() operate on. Isolated as it was, there were no
events either in its political or social character,
which would afford much interest. There was prob-
ably a succession of priests and commandants, who
governed the little world around them, with infinite
power and authority ; from whose decrees spiritual
or temporal, there was no appeal, and none desired.
''No colony can long remain separated from its
])arent stock until it exhibits a peculiar, and dis-
tinct character. Climate, situation, and country,
although not exclusively the agents in forming the
character, must nevertheless be admitted to have
great influence." The character of the society was
a mixture of military and civil; more however, of
the former, than the latter. The white portion of

ADDRESS.

m H *■-',(

li m

tUill

the population was, it must be remembered, essen-
tially French. In this remote country there were
few objects to urge to enterprizo. Beggary was un-
known. The necessaries of life were easily pro-
cured; <ind beyond these^ there were no wants to be
supplied. Hospitality was exercised by all — ^for
there were no taverns. Of what use were codes of
law, judges, prisons, in such a society. Each dis-
trict had its commandant; and their proceedings
were singular enough. The party complaining ob-
t<iined a notification from the commandant to his
adversary of his complaint, accompanied by a com-
mand from the commandant to render justice. If
tliis had no effect, he was notified to appear before
the commandant, on a particular day, and answer
the complaint; and if the last notice was neglected,,
a sergeant and file of men were sent to bring him.
It was a very short and summary process, of the
John Doe and Richard lloe kind — no SheriflP,. niv
taxation of costs. The party recusant was fined and
kept in prison until he did his adversary justice;
and when extremely refractory, the cat-o-nine tails
brought him to a sense of justice. And I am not
quite sure, that in many cases, the same speedy and
exact method of dispensing justice might not be
practiced in these latter days. Sure I am^ if it was,
much unnecessary litigation would be avoided. In
such a state of things, of what use were learning
and science? Few could read, fewer write; and a*
to arithmetic, it was a lost art. Their dealings
were marked by honesty and integrity, and peltrien

ADbRKSS.

were their standard of value.* Honorable, puno-
tual in their dealings, hospitable to strangers, and
with great kind feeling and brotherly love towards
one another; — these may be considered as their vir-
tues. In opposition to them, it must be said, that
they were devoid of public spirit, enterprize, or in-
genuity ; were indolent and uninformed. They told
me, says Volney, (the Americans) in his visit here
in 1796, "that the Canadians had only themselves
to blame for their hardships. W'c must allow, say
they, tliat they are a kind, hospitable, sociable set
of fellows; but in ignorance and idleness they beat
tiie Indians. They know nothing of civil or do-
mestic affairs ; their women neither sew nor spin, or
make butter, but pass their time in gossiping and
Uttle. The men hunt, fish, roam in the woods,
bask in the sun. They do not lay up, as we do, for
winter, or provide for a rainy day. They can't
cure pork or venison, make sour krout, or spruce
beer." But I doubt much, my friends, whether all
these useful and elegant accomplishments of the
American, of "curing pork, making sour krout and
si>ruco beer," which have been inculcated by them
U) their French neighbors, have much improved
their social and moral condition. If happiness in
this world consists, and it does so in a great degree,
in freedom from care, the population of our village
were the happiest of the human family; all their
desires fulfilled. But the race is nearly extinct;
tiiey have become amalgamated with another peo-
ple; their habits, manners, opinions, nay language

*S«e VoU &

ADDRESS.

,:-?li

I'il ,

itself, is changing; and in a few years, the tall,
manly, arrowy form of the descendant of St. Louis —
mild, peaceful, and always i)olite — ^with his blanket
capotey the blue kerchief round his head, and san-
daled feet, will— as some of us have seen them in
our younger days, wending their way on Sundays
in their untired and unironed cart, to the old wood-
on chapel of St. Francis Xavier, with smiling faces,
and, as I believe, with sincere devotion — be seen
"no more forever." A new generation, a new race,
a new people have encroached upon their posses-
sions; and the laws of civilization, as sure as tho
laws of nature, will force them to yield to the man-
ners, habits, customs, dress and language, of their
more powerful neighbors. AVh ether by the change?
their physical or moral condition is bettered, is a
question that might be well mooted. For my own
part, I doubt it. I believe they were a happier,
better, and more moral people before their connect
tion with the Americans, than since; and that the
change of government, has been productive of no
good to their social condition. An evidence of
their attachment to the old state of things, is the
fact, also noticed by Volney, "that the first thing
they demanded on their cession to the United
States, was a military commandant."

I have before remarked, that from the advent of
Father Mermet as missionary here, in the year
1710 or '11, for nearly half a century, there were no
important events connected with the history of our
"Post," but a continued succession of commandant*
and missionaries. I should, however, fail in a very

T^Vi

ADDRESS.

important part of our history, were I not to notice,
during that period, the commander after whom our
town is named. Francois Morgan de Vinsenne
( " Vinsmne,^^ for so he spelled his name,) was an offi-
cer in the service of the King of France, and serv-
ing in Canada probably as early as 1720, in the
regiment "de Carignan." At any rate, as we are
informed, he was engaged in some service with an-
other officer on the Lakes towards Sault St. Marie,
for the Governor of Canada, M. de Vaudriel, in
1725. At what time he took possession here, is
not exactly known ; probably somewhere about the
year 1732. There is nothing on our records to
show, but an act of sale made by him and Madame
Vinsenne, the daughter of Monsieur Philip Long-
prie of Kaskaskia, and recorded there. The act of
sale, dated 5th January, 1735, styles him "an offi-
<x)r of the troops of the King," and "commandant
nu paste (lit Oucbache;" the same deed expressing
that Madame Vinsenne was absent at the Post.
Her signature being necessary to the deed, she sent
her mark, or cross, which is testified to as hers, "X
the mark of Madame Vinsenne," and showing that
the good lady was not very far advanced in the ru-
diments, though her husband was commandant, and
her father the wealthiest citizen of Kaskaskia. The
will of Monsieur Longprie, his father-in-law, dated
the 10th of March, 1735, gives to him, among other
things, 408 lbs. of pork, which he wishes "kept safe
until the amval of Mona. Vinsenne," who was
then at the Post. There are other documents there
signed by him as a witness, in 1733-'4; among them

AI>DRESS.

in:

"w-
'M

one of a i*eceipt for- 100 pistoles, received ftom hi»
father-in-law, on his marriage. From all these
proofs, I think it evident that he was here previous
to 1733, and left with his command, on an expedi-
tion against the Chicasaws, in 1736„ by orders from
his superior officer at New Orieans, "Monsieur
d'Artagette," commandant for the King in Illinois,
and in which expedition, according to ^^Charle-
vou,'' M. St. Vinsenne was killed. But as the facts
are not generally known, I quote his words among
the last of his volume: "We have just received
verv had news from Louisiana, and our war with
the Chickasaw s. The French have been defeated ;
among the slain is 'Monsieur de Vinsenne,* who
ceased not until his last breath to exhort the men
to behave worthy of their religion and their coun-
try." Thus perished this hero and gallant officer,,
after whom our town is named. We may well be
jn'oud of its origin. On looking aj; the register of
the Catholic churchy it will be found, that the change
of name fi'om Vinsenne to Vincennes, its present
appellation, was made as early as 1749.. Why or
wherefore, I do not know. I wish the original or-
thography had been observed, and the name spelled
after its founder^ with the s instead of the t, as it
should be.

The war between France and England, which
broke out about 1754, deprived the former of all her
possessions in this country; Canada was added to
Great Britain, and Louisiana, as before remarked,,
to Spain. The English, anxious to acquir«! posses-
sion of the country, soon after the peace of 1763i

1
}\

Ti '"

ADDB£SS.

took possession of it The subsequent events will
introduce the American population on the stage of
action ; and a brief but accurate history of the events
which have occurred since, will close my notice of
it. The inhabitants occupying* the Post, seem to
have but little considered or regarded the change.
Their old laws, customs, manners, and habits, were
continued ; and, as remarked by one who was pres-
t3nt, "the change of government would have hardly
been khown." The difficulties, however, between
tlie mother country, and her colonies, were about to
produce a change, w^hich has been felt to the present
day among the ancient inhabitants of the "Post."
I refer to the capture of it by Gen. George Rogers
(Mark, February 23, 1779 — sixty years from the day
after the one, which we are now commemorating.
Of this expedition, of its results, of its importance,
of the merits of those engaged in it, of their l)ra ve-
ry, of their skill, of their prudence, of their success,
a volume would not more than suffice for the details.
Suffice it to say, that in my opinion — and I have
accurately and critically weighed and examined all
the results produced by any contests in which we
were engaged during the revolutionary war^— that
ff)r bravery, for hardships endured, for skill and
consummate tact and prudence on the part of the
(•ommander, obedience, discipline and love of coun-
try on the part of his followers ; for the immense
l)enefits acquired, and signal advantages obtained
by it for the whole Union, it was second to no enter-
prise undertaken during that struggle ; I might add,
second to no undertaking in ancient or modern war-

• ii

iK'

ADDRESS.

fare. The whole credit of this conquest belongs to
two men — Gen. George Rogers Clark, and Col.
Francis Vigo. And when wo consider that by it
the whole territory now covered by the three great
States of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan, was added
to the Union, and so adnnitted to be by the commis-
sioners on the part of Great Britain, at the prelim-
inaries for the settlement of the treaty of peace in
1783; and but for this very conquest the boundaries
of our territories west, would have been thb Ohio,
instead of the Mississippi, and so acknowledged
and admitted both by our own, and the British
commissioners at that conference — a territory em-
bracing, as I have before remarked, upwards of iwd
million of people, the human mind is lost in the
contemplation of its eifects ; and we can but wonder
that a force of one hundred and seventy men, the
whole number of Clark's troops, should, by this sin-
gle action, have produced such important results.
That they did so, all history attests ; that they did
so, our very assembly here this day proves.

"It was on the 10th day of December, 1777, that
Col. Clark opened the plan of the Illinois campaign,
against the British interests in this quarter, to the
celebrated Patrick Henry, then Governor of Vir-
ginia." It is unnecessary now to go into all the
(causes which led to the adoption of a western
campaign as suggested by General, then Col. Clarke
Suffice it to say, that it was not without doubt as to
its success, and great difficulty in preparing the
material for the enterprise, that it was undertaken.
Virginia herself, from whom the aid was demanded,

ADDRESS.

and assistance in men and money was expected,
was in the most critical period of her revolutionary
struggle; her finances exhausted, her sons drawn
from the cultivation of the soil, and from all the
avocations of civil life — for the most part in the
field, battling for freedom — it is not to be wondered
at, "that the counsels which advised so distant an
expedition should have been listened to with doubt,
and adopted with caution." Fortunately for the
country they were not unheeded. Gov. Henry, en-
couraged by the advice of some of Virginia's most
prominent and patriotic sons, yielded to the solicit-
ations of Clark; and, on the 2d of Januaiy, 1778,
he received two sets of instructions — "one public,
directing him to proceed to Kentucky for its de-
fence; the other, secret, ordering an attack on the
British Post at Kaskaskia," — and with the instruc-
tions, twelve hundred pounds in depreciated currency^
as his military chest for conquering an empire. On
the 24th of June, 1778, and during a total eclipse
of the sun — a sad foreboding, as the party thought ?
of their future success, but which ultimately proved
"the sun of Austcrlitz," — this patriotic band of four
companies, under the command of Caj^tains Montr
gomery. Helm, Bowman, and Harrod, crossed the
falls of the Ohio, on their apparently "forlorn ex-
pedition."

It is a well known matter of history, "that during
the commencement of our revolutionary struggle,
the heart-rending scenes and wide-spread ravagea
of our Indian foes on the Western frontier, were
caused principally by the ammunition, arms, and

abdhess.

>^iii

clothing supplied at the British military stations of
Detroit, Vinccnnes, and Kaskaskia, then garrisoned
by British troops." To divert the attention of the
enemy from our own frontier, and to occupy them
in the defence of their own positions, it was neces-
sary to carry war into their own dominions. The
active mind of Clark saw that, by doing this, a
diversion would be created in our favor. " His first
intention was to march directly to Vincennes ; but
on revicAving his troops, the paucity of the number,
and the want of all the material necessary for the
attack of a fortified town, induced him to abandon
this object, and to prosecute the one originally con-
templated by his instructions — ^the capture of Kas-
kaskia." It forms no part of the plan of this
address to enter into the details of that expedition.
Suffice it to say, that it was eminently successful,
without the loss of a single man ; and that, on the
4th of July, 1778, Kaskaskia yielded to the suprem-
acy of American enterprise and valor, and with
Cahokia, surrendered to the American arms.

It must be recollected, that previous to this event,
ft treaty of peace had been concluded between
France and the United States. The intelligence of
it had been communicated to Clark, on his descent
down the Ohio. The effect of this treat)/ had a won-
derful influence upon the subsequent events of the
campaign. Among the individuals at Kaskaskia,
at the time of its capture, was M. Gibault,* the Ro-
man Catholic priest, at Vincennes. The capture of
Vincennes, as Clark himself admits, "had never

*S«e Note C.

ADDRESS.

been out of his mind from the first moment he un-
dertook the expedition westward." His success at
Kaskaskia served only to inspire a wish for the
accomplishment of the long desired achievement.
Affairs being regulated at Kaskaskia, he sent for
M. Gibault, and explained to him his views. This
patriotic individual, who subsequently received the
])ublic thanks of Virginia for his services, and whose
attachment for the American cause is well known,
readily and cheerfully sustained him. Dispatched
by Clark, to sound the French population here, over
whom he had great influence, he, on his arrival,
assembled them in the church, explained the object
of his mission, the alliance with France, and the
negotiations with which he was entrusted. He had
no sooner finished, than the population m manse
took the oath of allegiance to the Commonwealth of
Virginia. A commandant was elected, and the
American flag displayed over the fort — much to the
astonishment of their Indian neigh))ors, who for the
first time saw the glorious stars and stripes, instead
of the Cross of St. George, unfurled to that breeze
in which it has so often since waved triumphantly,
' M. Gibault, returned to Kaskaskia with the grat-
ifying intelligence of the perfect success of his mis-
sion; not less, it may be presumed, to the astonish-
ment of Clark, than to his gratification. Cai)tain
Helm was appointed commandant "and Agent for
the Indian affairs in the department of the Wa-
bash," and repaired to the "Post," at which it was
the intention of Clark to place a strong garrison, on
the arrival of the reinforcements expected from

■ :l

ADDRU8.

■M

i, li'

' I;

Virginia. These rcinforpoments never arrived ; and
A new and important leaf in the chapter of our his-
tory is about to be unfolded, and another individual,
no less celebrated, and to u^ equally dear with the
conqueror, and whose name will go down to pos-
terity with his, in the history of our place, and, on
the same bright page which records the valor of the
oommander, is to bo introduced to your notice.

It was on the first of August, 1778, that M«
(ribault returned to Kaskaskia with the intelli-
gence of the submission of the French inhabitants
here, to the American government, and of the cir-
cumstances above detailed. It was well known
that Governor Abbot, the commander here, at the
time of Clark's expedition to the Illinois, had gone
to Detroit on business; and that no great time
would elapse before reinforcements would be sent
from that post to Vincennes. Clark could not, even
had he desired it, detailed any of his own command
to garrison the place. Helm was here, a com-
mandant in name simply, without a single solditT
under his command. From the first of August,
when M. Gibault returned, until the 29th of Jan-
uary, 1779, Clark had not received a single commu-
nication from Vincennes. How he obtained it, and
the consequences resulting from the communicar
tion, it is now my purpose briefly to unfold.

Francis Vigo, better known to us under the mil-
itary title of Col. Francis Vigo, a rank which he
held during the terintorial government, was born
in Mondovi, in the kingdom of Sardinia, in the year
1747. He left his parents and guardians at a very

AODREU.

^rly age, and enlisted in a Spanish regiment as u
private soldier. The regiment was ordered to the
Havana, and a detachment of it subsequently to
Xew Orleans, then a Spanish post, and which de-
tachment Col. Vigo accompanied. At what time,
and under what circumstances he left the army, i»
not actually known. It is believed, that his atten-
tion to his duties, his natural intelligence, and high-
minded and honorable deportment, gained him the
esteem and contidence of his commander; and that
he received his discharge without any application
on his own part. We find that shortly after his
discharge — and probably by the aid of the same
j)owerful friend who had obtained it — he was su|)-
plied with goods, and engaged in the Indian trade
on the Arkansas and its tributaries; and that a
few years after, he made a settlement at St. Louis,
also a Spanish post, and was connected in the clos-
est relations of friendship an<l business with the
(jrovernor of Upper Louisiana, then residing at the
same place, and whose confidence and atfoction he
enjoyed in the highest degree. That a private sol-
dier, a man without education-^for he could simply
write his name — should in a few years, thus be
enabled to make his way in the world, and, in so
short a period, become so extensively engaged in
business, so highly respected and beloved, as we
know him to have been at the period to which I
allude, as well as to the day of his death, shows
him to have thus early been possessed of a goodness
of heart, a purity of mind, a high, honorable, and
chivalric bearing; qualities which grew with hi»

ADDRESS.

f 'I

growth and strengthened with his strength, until
the very close of his long and useful life. At the
time of Clark's capture of Kaskaskia, Col. Vigo was
a resident of St. Louis, and extensively engaged un-
der the patronage of the Governor in the Indian
trade up the Missouri. A Spaniard by birth and
.'illegiance, he was under no obligation to assist us.
Spain was then at peace with Great Britain, and
any interference on the part of her citizens was a
breach of neutrality, and subjected an individual,
especially of the high character and standing of Col.
Vigo, to all the contumely, loss, and vengeance,
which British power on this side of the Mississippi
could inilict. But Col. Vigo did not falter. With
an innate love of liuorty, an attachment to repub?
lican princii)les, piid an ardent sympathy for an
oppressed people struggling for their rights, he
overlooked all personal consequences ; and as soon
as he learnt of Clark's arrival at Kaskaskia, he
crossed the line — went there and tendered him his
means, and his influence, both of which were joy-
fully accepted. Knowing Col. Vigo's influence with
the ancient inhabitants of the country, and desirous
of obtaining some information from Vincennes, from
which he had not heard for several months, Col,
(^lark, in a conference with Col. Vigo, proposcv'
that he should come and learn the actual state of
aifairs at the Post. Col. Vigo did not hesitate a
moment in obeying this command. With a single
servant he proceeded on his journey; and when on
the river Embarrass, he was seized by a party of
Indians, plundered of every thing he possessed, and

AODBESS.

brought a prisoner before Hamilton, then in posses-
sion of tlic place, which, with his troops, he had a
short time before captured, holding Capt. Helm a
prisoner of war. Being a Spanish subject, and con-
se(|uently a mm-combatant. Governor Hantiltonv
although he strongly suspect; I the motives of his
visit, dared not confine him ; he accordingly admit-
ted him to his parole, on the single condition, that
ho should daily report himself at the Fort. On his
frequent visits there, his acute and discerning mind,,
aided by the most povverfid memory I ever knew,
enabled him early to ascertain the state of the gar-
rison, it« numerical force, means of defence, position,,
in line all the matter necessary to make an accurate
report, as soon as liberated.. Hauiilton, in the meaii
time, embarrassed by his detentit)U, besieged l)y tluv
French inhabitants of the town, by whom he was
beloved, for his release; and linally threatened ])y
tiiem, that unless released, they would refuse alf
su[)plies> to the garrison, yieldeil, on condition that
C.0I. Vigo would sign an article "not to do any act
tluring the war injurious to th(^ British interests."
This he absolutely and positively refused. The
matter was finally adjusted, on an agrcen»ent en-
tered into on the part t>f CoL Vigo, "not to do
any thing injurious to the British inten;sts on kin
way to St. Louis." The agreement was signed, and
til© next day he departed in a pirogue down the
Wabash and the Ohio, and uj) the Mississippi with
two voyagers accompanying him. Col. Vigo faith-
fully and religiously kept the very lettefi' of his bond.
Qu hi8 wan ^ ^^'- ^^^ ^^ ^^ nothing injurious in

i>li»i:J

ADORB03.

if,:

if':

i 1"

♦ho slightest degree to British interests. But he
had no sooner set his foot ok^ shore there, and chang-
<xi his dress, than in the same piroffue he hastened
to Kasjikaskiji, and gave the information, and ar-
ranged the plan, through the means of which, and
by which alone, Clark was enabled to succeed, and
did succeed, in surprising Hamilton, and making
<siptives of him and his garrison. Spirit of the
illustrious dead, let others judge of this matter as
they may, we who have lived to see the immense
advantages of that conquest to our beloved country
— so little known, and so little appreciated when
made — will do you justice, and we will also teach
our children, and our children's children, who are
to occupy our places when we are gone, to read and
remember, among the earliest lessons of the history
of that portion of the country which is to be alat>
their abiding place — our own lovely valley — ^that its
conquest and subsequent attachment to the Union,
was as much owing to the councils and services of
Vigo, as to the bravery and enterprise of Clark.

It was on the 5th of February, 1779, that a Spar-
tan band of one hundred and seventy men, headed
by as gallant a leader as ever led men to battle,
crossed the Kaskaskia river, on their march to this
place. The incidents of this campaign, their perils,
their sufferings, their constancy, their courage, their
success, would be incredible, were they not matters
of history. In my opinion, as I have before re-
marked, no campaign either in ancient or modern
warfare — taking into consideration the force em-
ployed, the want of material, the country passed

ADDRESS.

sed

over, the destitution of even the necessaries of life,
the object to be accomplished, and the glorious re-
sults flowing from it, is to be compared to it. And
what is even yet more astonishing, is the foct, that
a battle which decided the fate of an empire, a cam-
paign which added to our possessions a count rv
more than equal in extent to the United kingdoms
of Great Britain, Scotland, and Ireland, has scarcely
even a page of our revolutionary annals devoted to
its details, or making even honorable mention of
the brave and gallant men who so nobly and suc-
cessfully conducted it.

Time would fail me, and your patience would l>e
perhaps exhausted, were I to follow step by step,
and day by day, this small, but brave, devoted, par
triotic and chivalrous corps, through the wilderness
from Kaskaskia to this place. It would be but a
repetition of daily suiferings, of fatigue, of peril, of
constancy, of perseverance, and of hope. Day after
day, without provisions, wading in ice and water to
their necks, through the over-flowed bottoms of the
Wabash, carrying their rifles above their heads,
their gallant chief taking the lead, foremost in difli-
culty and in danger, did these patriotic soldiers
struggle on, taint, weary, cold and starving, until
the prize was in view, and their object was accom-
plished, f Look around you, my friends, and see what
this portion of our beloved Union is now! Look
ahead, and tell me, if you can, what it is to be a
half century hence, supposing the improvements to
progress as they have the last twenty years — and
the advancement will bo geometrical — and then go

ivi

ADDRESS.

;ir.f

l)ack with me sixty years since, this very day, and
learn from an actor in the scene— one holding com-
mand, and from whose unpublished journal I make
tlie extract, what the country was, and the difficul-
ties and dangers, the perils and sufferings those
endured for you, and yours; and should you, or
those who are to come after you, to the latest gen-
eration forget them, "may your right hands forget
their cunning."

"February 22nd, 1779. Col. Clark* encouraged
his men, which gave them great spirits. Marched
oTi in the water; tliose that were weak and famished
from so much fatigue, went in the canoes. We
came three miles farther to some sugar camps, where
we stayed all night. Heard the evening and morn-
ing guns at the Fort. No provisions yet. The
Lord help us.

"23d. Set off to cross a plain called Horse Shoe
Plain, about four miles long, all covered with water

hreast high. Here we expected some of our brave
jnen must certainly perish, the water having frozo:

"Without food, tHMiumbcd with c«ld, up to their wuLits iu wutt'r
eovered with broken ice, tho cnMi coraposing Clark's tvoops at one
time mutinied, refusing to march. All the persuasions of Clark bad
no effect upon the half starved and half frozen soldiers. In one of
the companies was a small boy wha acted aa drummer. In the samw
company was a sergeaut, standing six feet two inches ia his stockings,
stout, athletic, and devoted to Clurk. Finding that his eloquence
had no effect upon the men, in persuading them to continue their linv
of march, Clark mounted the little drammer on the shoulders of tho
stalwart sergeant, and gave orders to him to plunge into the half
fri^zen water. He did so, the little drammer beating the charge front
liisMofty perch, while Clark, with sword in hand, followed them, giv-
ing the command as he threw asJde tho floating ice — " FORWARD ! '*
Klated and amused with the scene, the men promptly obeyed, holdine
their rifles above their heads, and in spite of all ob«tiM)leSt veaehed
the high land beyond them, safely.

ADDOISS.

, <»•

m the night, and so long fasting. Having no other
resource but wading this lake of frozen water^ we
plunged in with courage, Col. Clark beingi first.*
We took care to have boats by, to take those who
were weak and benumbed with the cold into them.
Never were men so animated with the thought of
avenging the ravages done to their back settle-
ments, as this small army was. About one o'clock
we came in sight of the town. We halted on a
amall iiill of dry land, cdled ."Warren's Island,"
where we took a prisoner hunting ducks, who in-
formed us that no person suspected our eoming in
tliat season of the year. CoL Clark wrote a letter
by him to the inhabitants, as follows :
" To the inhabitants of Post Vincennes —

"Gentlemen: Being now within two miles of
your village with my army, determined to take
your Fort this nighty and not being willing to sur-
j)rize you, I take this method of requesting such of
you as are true citizens, and willing to enjoy the
liberty I bring you, to remain still in your houses.
And those, if anv there are. that are friends to the
King, will instantly repair to the Fort, and join the
Hair-Buyer General, and fight like men. And
if any such as do not go to the Fort shall be discov-
ered afterwards, they may depend on severe pun-
ishment. On the contrary, those who are true
friends to liberty, will b© well treated.

"G. R. CLARK."

In order to gjve effect to this letter, by having it
communicated to the French inhabitants, the army

t. •SmMoUC.

ADDRESS.

■ '11/

encamped until about sun down, when they com*
menced their march, wading in water breast high,
to the rising ground on which the town is situated^
One poi < 1'" ^ of the army marched directly up along
where the ee is now raised, and came in by the
steam-mill ; while another party under Lieut. Brad-
ley, deployed from the main body, and came in by
the present Princeton road. An entrenchment waa
thrown up in front of the Fort, and the battle com-
menced from the British side by the discharge,
though without effect, of their cannon, and the re-
turn on our side of rifle shot, the only arms which
the Americans possessed. On the morning of the
24th, about 9 o'clock, Col. Clark sent in a flag of
truce, with a letter to the British commander,
during which time there was a cessation of hostili-
ties, and the men were provided with a breaktast,
the Jirst meal which they had had since the 18^/^ ,s7.r
days before. The letter of Clark is so characteristic
of the man, so laconic, and, under such trying cir-
cumstances, shows so much tact, self-possession and
tirmness, that I will read it:

"Sir: In order to save yourself from the impend-
itig storm that now threaten** you, I order you
immediately to surrender yourself, with all your
t!farrison, stores, &c., <&c.; tor if I am obliged to
storm, you may depend on sucli treatment as is
justly due a murderer. Beware of destroying stores
of any kind, or any papers or letters that are in
your possession, or hurting one house in town, for
by Heavens, if you do, there shall be no mercy
shown you. "0. R. CLARK. "

"To Gov. Hamilton."

ADDRESS.

Since the days of Charles the Xllth, of Sweden,
1 doubt whether ever such a cartel, under such cir-
cumstances was sent to an antagonist. Prudence,
as Clai'k well knew, would indeed be a "rascally
virtue" on such an occasion. Hemmed in on one
side by ice and water, with a fortified post bristling
with artillery in front, with one hundred and sev-
enty soldiers — part Americans, part Creoles, with*
out food, worn out, and armed only with rifles, it
was, as Clark knew, only by acting the victor in-
stead of the vanquished, (as was the real state of
tlie case, if Hamilton had only known the fact) that
he could hope to succeed. He acted wisely and he
acted bravely; any other course, and he would have
been a prisoner instead of a conqueror. The very
reply of Hamilton to this singular epistle shows he
was already quailing:

"Gov. Hamilton begs leave to acquaint Col.
('lark, that he and his garrison are not disposed to
//e awed into any action unworthy British subjects."

The battle was renewed ; the skill of our western
riflemen, celebrated even in our days, wounded sev-
eral of the men ih the Fort through the port-hcles,
the only place where a shot could be made eflective.
C'lark, w^ith the skill of a. practiced commander,
must have seen and felt from the answer returned
to his communication, that another message would
soon be delivered to him from the same quarter,
and he was not long in receiving \L The flag of
truce brought him as follows:

"Gov. Hamilton i)ropose3 to Col. Clark a truce
for three days, during which time he promises that

address;

I -

there shall be no defensive work carried on in the-
garrison, on condition that Col. Clark will observe
on his part a like cessation of offensive work ; that
is, he wishes to confer with Col. Clark, as soon a»
can be, and promises that whatever may pass be-
tween them two, and another person mutually-
agreed on to be present, shall remain secret until
matters be finished; as he wishes, that wliatever the-
result of the conferon<^ may be, it may tend to the
honor and credit of each party. If Col. Clark makes
a difficulty of coming into the Fort, Lieut. Gov..
Hamilton will speak with him by the gate.

24th Feb'y, '79. HENRY HAMILTON."

If Gov. Hamilton had known tlie man he was.
dealing with, he would have found, ere this, that be
would have made light of any difficulties "in coming
into the Fort; " and if not already convinced of the
daring of the toe he was contending with, one would,
have supposed Clark's answer would have set him
right:

"Col. Clark's compliments to Gov. Hamilton, and'
begs leave to say, that he Avill not agree to any
terms, other than Mr. Hamilton swh'endering liirmelf
and garrison prisoners at discretion.

"If Mr. Hamilton wants to talk with Col. Clark,
he will meet him at the church with Capt. Helm J'

Laconic enough, surely, and easily understood ;
and so it was. For in less than one hour after*
wards, Clark dictated himself the following Vinxa^
which were accepted, a meeting having taiien plac*
at the church:

^Ist. Lieut. Got. Hamilton agrees to deliver

i:|.-:i

ADDRESS.

to Col, €lark, *^Fart Sackville" as it is at present,
with all its stores, &c.

2d. The garrison are to deliver themselves as
l^risoners of war, and march out with their arms and
««coutrcments.

3d. The garrison to be delivered up to-morrow at
ten o'clock.

4th. Three days time to be allowed the garri-
son to settle their accounts with the inhabitants and
traders.

6th. The officers of the garrison to be allowed
their necessary baggage., &c.

Signed at Post St. Vincents, this 24th of Feb-
ruary, 1779. Agreed for the following reasons:

1st. The remoteness from succor. 2d. The state

and quantity of provisions. 3d. The unammiff/ of

the officers and men in its expediency. 4th. The

honorable terms nllowed; and lastly, the conlidenee

in a generous enemy.

HENRY HAMILTON,

Lieut. Gov. and Superinfendent.

It was on the twenty-fifth day of February, 1779,
about ten o'clock in the forenoon, that the British
troops marched out, and the Americans entered
that Fort, acquired with tlie tact, skill, judgment,
bravery, peril, and suffi3ring, which I have so briefly
attempted to describe. The British ensign was
hauled down, and the American flag waved above
its ramparts ; that flag,

" Within whose folds .
Are wrapped, the trvjasurea of our hearts,
Where e'er its waving sheet is fanned,
, « By hreezes of the sea, or land." ]

\ t|

ADDRESS.

• •i;

Time would not permit me, my friends, to dwell
on the important results growing out of this con-
quest to our common country. A volume would he
required to delineate fully, all the advantages which
have been derived from it to that Union, a portion
of which we now constitute. Calculate, if you can,
the revenue which the government already has,
and will continue to derive from its public domahi
within the territory thus acquired. Bounded by
tlie Lakes and the Miami on one side, and the Ohio
and the Mississippi on the other, embracing thrw
large States, witli a poi)ulation now of upwards of
two millions, with a representation of six Senators
in one branch of our National Councils, and eleven
llepresentatives in the other; and which, within the
last half century, was represented by a single Del-
egate, but, in the next half century to come, will
have fifty Representatives ; mild in its climate, rich
in its soil, yielding in the abundance, variety, and
excellence of its products, perhaps, a greater quan-
tity than the same space of territory in the civilized
world ; inhabited, and to be inhabited by a race of
industrious, hard working, intelligent, high-minded,
and patriotic people, attached to the institutions of
their country; lovers of order, liberty and law;
republicans in precepts and in practice; trained
from their earliest infancy to revere and to ven-
erate, to love knd to idolize the Constitution adopted
by their fathers, for the government of themselves
and their posterity;— calculate, if yoi* can) the in-
crease within this territory, of just such a popular
tion as I have described, "within sixty years to come

ADDRESS.

—-its wealth, its influence, its power, its improve-
ments, morally and socially — and when your minds
are wearied in the immensity of the speculation,
ask yourselves to whom all these blessings are to
he attributed; and whether national gratitude, in
the fullness of national wealth and prosperity, can
find treasures enough to repay those gallant men,
and those who aided them in their glorious struggle,
which I have attempted feebly to describe. But T
am warned by the time which I have already occu-
pied, that this address should close — not that tin;
subject is exhausted, or can be. No other, that I
can conceive of, presents a finer field for the his-
torian; and the few incidents whi(;h have been
gathered here and there, "few and far between," in
relation to our early history, but stimulates tx» fur-
ther enquiry. A brief notice of the principal events
which have occurred since the capture by Gen.
Clark, and I shall close this long, and, I fear from
the nature of the subject, to you on this occasion,
uninteresting address.

The first object to be obtained, after the fall of
the Post, and the consequent change resulting from
it, was the establishment of a civil government.
Col. Clark returned to Kaskaskia, leaving Capt.
Helm in command, both as civil and military com-
mandant. The result of the campaign was made
known as early as possible to the government of
Virginia, and Col. Todd was sent out as the gov-
ernor and commandant, by the Executive Council
there. How long he remained, I do not know;
probably long enough to form a provisional govern*

ADDRESS.

'!. Jill:

ment; for we find that he delegated his power to
M. Legras, as Lieut. Governor, and proceeded to
Kaskaskia. I have had no opportunity of ascer-
taining from tlie records in Virginia, the continua-
tion or names of the Governors after Todd, until
the transfer of the territory to the United States,
and the territorial government then formed under
the act of Congress,

The act of the Virginia Legislature, transferring
the North- Western Territory to the United States,
])assed on the 20th of December, 1783, and the
Delegates on the part of Virginia, Thomas Jeffer-
son, Samuel Hardy, Arthur Lee, and James Mad-
ison, by their deed of cession, conveyed, on tlie first
of March, 1784, "all the right, title, and interest of
the State of Virginia in the country acquired north-
west of the river Ohio, to the United States." And
in 1787, the celebrated ordinance for its government
was passed by Congress; an ordinance, which in its
<?ffects, at least to us, is second only to the Consti-
tution of the United States. An ordinance, which
for its wise and wholesome provisions — ^for its ben-
eficial and lasting results — for its effects not only
upon those who were to be the immediate subjects
of its action, but for the blessings and prosperity
which it will carry down to the latest poster it}^, as
long as we remain a part of the confederacy, is un-
equalled by any legislative act ever framed here or
elsewhere. The author of this act, Nathan Dane,
of Massachusetts, for it alone, if he had done noth-
ing more, deserves a place in our affections, and in
those of our children to the latest generation. The

SI!!:

ADDRESS.

act provides, "that there shall bo neither slavery
Tior involuntary servitude within the territory thus
«edcd;" creates for its government, a Governor,
-Secretary, and three Judges; the Judges with the
Governor "to make laws for the territory, subject
to the approval of Congress."

The laws thus made were selected from the codes
of other States, and applied to our local condition.
They were few, but effective, and I doul>t much
whether all subsequent legislation has been enabled
to frame a code superior to that of the old territorial
code.

Gen. Ilarmar, then commanding in tho west, was
appointed civil Governor and superintendent of In-
dian affairs. He was here in 1787, and I believe,
had charge of our civil affairs by himself or deputy,
until 1790, when Gen. St. Clair was a]>p()intcd, and
took command. He came here in 1791, and went
to Kaskaskia, from whence he mado a long report
to the Sccrebxrv of State in relation to the situation
of atlairs hero. Some of his suggestions, consider-
ing our present advanced state of imju-ovement, are
singular enough. "He recommends the establish-
ment of a printing press in the Western Territory,"
and gives as a reason, "that as tlie laws are not
binding upon the people until a]>]iroved by Con-
gress, there is- no way of giving publicity to them,
but by having them read in the courts." " ]3ut few
people," says he, "understand them, and even the
magistrates who carry them into execution are per-
fect strangers to them." There seems, however, to
have been no great difficulty after all. The French

I ii

ADDRIM. f

complained that as the County Court was comiwsed
of live justices, three of whom were Americans, and
but two Frenchmen, whereas, the French popula-
tion was treble that of the Americans, and there
was occasionally a little leaning by their Honors,
on the American side of the bench, towards thei'
countrymen; and, as none of the American g(;
epnors assigned to keep the peace, understood
French, there was some difficulty in making their
(rause fully understood. But there were no mobs,
no tarring and feathering of the Judges, no pulling
down the court-house. If the law was not well
understood by these . modern Ivlansfields, they de-
cided the case, ^'ex eqito ef hono^'' according to equity
and good conscience ; and, in nine cases out of ten,
no doubt, did more complete justice to all parties,
than with a row of "gentlemen learned in the law''
before them, to (;onfuse them with their sophistry,
or perplex them with a quibble.

In 1800, Congress ])assed the act dividing the In-
diana territory, from what was called the territory
north-west of the river Ohio, and in 1801, Gen.
William Henry Harrison was appointed Governor.
There were at this period, but three settlements in
the whole of this immense territory. The one at
the Falls, called "Clark^s Grant," the one here, and
the one on the Mississippi between Cahokia and
Kaskaskia; the whole population of which did not
exceed five thousand souls. It does not fall within
the limits which I had assigned to this discourse,
to trace our progress farther. The history of the
town, the seat of government of the territory until

IDDRESS.

1816, is the history of Indiana during that period:
but the facts connected with it are familiar to you
all. Suffice it to say, that our progress since liax
been onward, and will continue to be, should we be
true to ourselves and to the interests committed to
our hands.

Members of the "Vincennes Historical and An-
tiquarian Society" and citizens of Vincennes, I have
finished the task assigned me on this occasion — not
by any means in the manner it should be, or, in-
deed, in the manner I propose to finish it hereafter,
if I have leisure.

I have thrown together a few of the leading inci-
dents of our history, fitted only to bo woven intc>
an address on the present occasion. The historinu
of our ancient borough, must gather for his work
more materials than I have been furnished with, to
d(» full justice to his subject. He should search tlie
archives of other countries — of France, of England,
the colonial records of Canada, and the revolution-
ary ones of Virginia; in fine, devote to it more time,
labor and research, than I have been enabled to do,
in order to make it the work it should be. The
history of this Post has been the history of the
Western country. It has been the stake for which
nations have played; the prize for which princes
have contended — France, England, Virginia, and
the States have, in turn, held it in subjection — ^have
governed it with their laws, and regulated it with
their codes, civil and military. Our position has
been an important one, while our history, but little
known, has been more full of stirring incident, of

lit

111

liii'

"Mk

ABDRESS.

revolution, of bloodshed, and of battle, than the his-
tory of any town on the continent. One hundred
and thirty years since, we have seen it occupied a«
A post in the wilderness, forming one link in tJie
<»hain by ^.hicli France attempted to hold her pos-
Hi^ssions in this country. Fnty years after, we have
seen it yielding to British dominion and subject to
IJritish power. The war of the revolution, and the
.severing of those ties which bound us to our parent
state, wrested it also from its conquerors. The
braver> of Clark, and that of his compatriots in
arms, formed a new era in its eventful career. It
became the emporium of an empire — the seat of
government of a territory now composing three
large States. The history of our tov/n, since the
division of the territory, is familiar to you all. But
even since then it has not been without its interest.
The same stern devotion to country, the same love
■of liberty, the same valor and patriotism, has been
displayed in modern times by its citizens, which
gave to it an eclat in times gone by. The battle
lield of Tijjpecanoe was fertilized by the blood of
our brethren. And more daring, brave, and chiv-
alrous and patriotic men never gathered under their
45ouutry's banner, than rallied in its defence on that
eventful field, from the town in which we are now
assembled.

And am I right in saying, thai the same spirit
«till exists here? That should our country again
make its call "to arms," that here, in the very cra-
dle of liberty, oil this side of the AUeghanies, the
a[tirit which animated Clark and his followers, has

ADDRESS.

%cen handed down to those whom I address ; and
that if occasion offered, you would emulate them in
the privations they underwent, the sufferiuju's they
endured, and the glory they acq,uired? Am 1 riglit
in saying this? Fellow-citizens, I know that I am
ri()ht. The response to this question in the affirm-
nti\ e, is answered by every breath that heaves from
the bosoms of those who he. me. It is ans\\ered
by the silent homage which you yourselves, on this
occasion, have paid to bravery and patriotism, such
as [ have delineated.

Young men of this assembly, this feeling must bt^
kept alive — you must neither forget your origin or
your destiny. Many of us will soon pass off the
.*tage of action \- —

•' The eterrml sm-go
Of time and tide rolls on, nud boars ufar
Our bubbles; and the old burstr new emerge,
Lash'd from the foam of ages ; while the grave*
Of empires heavo but like some passing waves.'*'

G-ciueration after generation will succeed us. But
kt it be ever impressed on your minds, and the
minds of those who come after you to the latest
posterity, that the same wisdom and valor which
Airijuired the "Post," must always sustain^, jjrofeci
and defend iL

NOTES.

.1 . : I
i : ,1 i,

'ii'-i

^'oTi-: A.

Since the delivery of the foregoing address, I havo
read Article I J, in the January number of the North
American Bevieu\ being a review of the "Life of
Father Marquette," by Jared Sparks — "Library of
American Biography, Vol. 10th." The original
work of Mr. Sparks, the "Life of Father Mar-
quette," contained in the 10th volume of his Amer-
ican Biograi)hy, I have never seen.

The reviewer, however, in the article referred to,
has, I conceive, made a sad mistake in relation to
the "labor of love" of Father Mermet to the "Mas-
coutens," a tribe of Indians now extinct, or, what is
more probable, amalgamated with other tribes, and
hence have lost their original appellation. The
" Mascoutens" were a branch of the " Miamis" — vMe
Mr. Gallatin's letter published in the " Transactions
of the American Historical and Antiquarian So-
<^iety;" they never lived on the Ohio, but occupied
the country along Lake Michigan, and down the
river Wabash. In page 90 of the article referred
to, the reviewer says: "An attempt was also made
to build up a settlement at the point where the Ohio
and the Mississippi join, at all times, a favorite spot
among the planners of towns, and at this moment.

NOTES.

if we mistake not, in the process of being made a
town. The first who tried this spot was Sieur
Juchereau, a Canadian gentleman, assisted by Father
Mennetj who was to christianize the Mascmitens^ of
whom a large flock was soon gathered." The re- «
viewer then goes on to describe ttie modus operandi
by which Father Meiimet syllogistically undertook to
confound the high priests of this deluded band, and
gives an account of his conference with their prin-
cipal medicine men, very similar to that given in
tlie preceding address. Now the only matter in
relation to which we differ is the venue. I assert
tliat the conference and "theological discussion"
took place on the banks of the Wabash, and not
*'at the confluence of the Ohio .uul Mississippi;"
and that it happened at the "Pust,"' or tiie ''0
Poste,^^ (contraction for the French word "a?/,") or,
]>ar excellence, "The Post Vincennes." And 1 be-
lieve 1 prove it from two circumstances; the ont'
referred to, to-wit: the "Mascoutens" were a branrli
of the Miamis, and inhabited the country watered
by the Wabash; they never occupied any portion
of the country bordering on the Ohio. If the object
of the good Father was, (as Father Marest states it
was — and we both derive our account of the mattei*
from him,) the conversion of the "Mascoutens," he
would go where they dwelt, which was on the Wa-
bash, and not on the Ohio; and if Father Mermot
WHS with the Sieur Juchereau at the mouth of th<3
Ohio, it is hardly credible, that the "Mascoutens"
would "gather in a large flock from a distance of
upwards of two hundred miles, from the banks of

NOTESv

!i;r

the Wabash, to the confluence of the Ohio and the
Mississippi, for the mere sake of a public discussion
on "mooted points of theology," between their
*• Medicine Men" and Father Mermet. They might
follow the chase of their enemies that distance, but
I doubt much, whether they would travel that far,,
to learn whether tlie "Manitoji" of the Frenchman
or the ''Manitou of the Mascouten" was the one to
lie worshipped.

In the second place, the French Imd no settlement
on the Ohia in the early part of the 18th century —
by a settlement I moan a fixed establishment, a gar-
rison, a town. Sieur Juchereau, for aught I know,
may have had a trading house there, but there was
no regular French, establishment;, and, according to
J^^atlier Marest, it was to such an establishment al-
ready garrisoned — "a Fort," that Father Mermet
went with the primary object of accomplishing the
conversion of the "Mascoutens" to the true faith..
1 quote from the original letter of Father Marest to-
Father Germon, volume 6th, page 333 of the ''/.f/-
tret} Ed'tfiantes et Curieuses," dated Kaskaskia, No-
vember Dth, 171L..

''Les Francok itoient Uahli un Fort sur lefleuve
'OuABACHE,.' ih demanderent un lu'mouaire; et k
Fere Mermet leiirfut envoy e.. Ce Fere crut devoir
travailler a la conversion des Mascot, tens qui avoient
fait un village sur les lords duineme fleuve — c^est wm
nation Indians qui entend la langue Illvnoisey

Now I have mentioned the fact, and given the
reasons why the Ohio was called "Ouabache" by
the same Father, and by others, a reason, as it ap^

NOTES.

pears to me perfectly satisfactory. And as the
French settled Vincennes, and established a Fort
there early in the 18th century; and as the "Mas-
coutens" were located on that stream, and not on
the Ohio, and being a branch of the Miamis, and a
portion of the Algonquin race, of course supposed
to understand the ^^Illinoise" I think it conclusive
that the "local" of Father Mermet's labors was the
'•Post" or "Fort" at Vincennes, and not the site at
the confluence of the Ohio and Mississippi, where
Sieur Juchereau may, or may not, have made a set-
tlement. At any rate, until some further evidence
is produced, I shall, as I have done in the text,
claim the honor of Father Mermet's first visit for
"Post VvMeivnes^

Note B.

It was a very difficult matter to induce the French
inhabitants at Kaskaskia, after Clark's arrival there
and capture of the place, to take the "Continental
paper," which Clark and his soldiers had brought
along with them; and it was not until after Col.
Vigo went there and gave his guaranty for its re-
demption, that they would genera^y receive it.
Peltries and piastres were the only cun'ency known
to these simple and unsophisticated Frenchmen.
They could neither read nor write, and Col. Vigo
had great difficulty in explaining the operations of
this new financial arrangement to them. " Their
commandants never made money," was the only
reply to the Colonel's explanations of the policy of
the "Old Dominion" in these issues. But notwith-
4

NOTES.

lii

1-1 '

standing the Colonel's guaranty, the paper was not
in good credit, and ultimately became very much
depreciated. The Colonel had a trading establish-
ment at Kaskaskia after Clark's arrival. Coffee
was one dollar per pound. The poor Frenchman
coming to purchase, was asked "what kind of pay-
ment he intended to make for it? " '■^Banlenr,^'' said
he. And when it is recollected that it took about
twenty continental dollars to purchase a silver dol-
lar's worth of coffee, and that the French word
^^douleur" signifies "grief," or "pain," perhajis no
word, either in the French or English languages,
expressed the idea more correctly, than "f/ow7ci/r"
for "continental dollars." At any rate, it was truly
^Uloulmr^^ to the Colonel ; for he never received a
sinffle dollar in exchange for the large amount he had
taken in order to sustain Clark's credit. The above
anecdote I had from the Colonel's own lips.

9 »! t

Mi! ■'

J'i,'
if

Note C.

I am indebted, and much indebted, to my friend
Prof. Bliss, of Louisville, Kentucky, for the letters
of Gen. Clark, and the extract from Major Bow-
man's journa^l^f the capture of Vincennes, now for
the first time published. I cannot but again repeat,
what I have in the address so pointedly remarked,
how little is known of the campaign of 1778, 1779,
and the capture of Kaskaskia and Vincennes by
Clark and his gallant followers. With the excej)-
tion of a short notice of this in "Marshall's Lite of
Washington," and the more extended one of But-
ler in his "History of Kentucky," a modern work,

NOTES.

the incidents of that campaign are hardly noticed.
Yet it was, as it regards its ultimate effects to the
Union, decidedly the most brilliant and useful, of
any undertaking during the revolutionary war. —
Clark by that campaign added a territory em-
bracing three of the finest States in the Union,
to the Confederacy, to-wit: Indiana, Illinois, and
Michigan; a territory, which, but for this very con-
quest, must now have been subject to British do-
minion, unless like Louisiana, it had since been
acquired by purchase. For the only pretence of
title which our commissioners, in the negotiations
which resulted in the treaty of peace in 1783, set up
to this immense territory, was "the capture of it by
Clark, and the possession of it by the Americans at
the date of the conference." The argument of "«/"/
possidetis''^ prevailed; and the mind would be lost in
the calculation of dollars and cents, to' Siay nothing
of the other matters " which constitnta a State," —
men "who kiiow their rights" inhabiting it, and
which the government has gained from the contest —
as to what will be the wealth and population of this
same North- Western Territory a half century hence.

Most of the facts connected with the capture of
Kaskaskia are derived from "Butler's History of
Kentucky," a new edition of which has lately been
published. It is a very useful and valuable work,
and contains more incidents connected with western
history, particularly the campaign of Clark in Illi-
nois in 1778-'9, than any other work heretofore pub-
lished. '^•-- - '■•'^ ■ - ■■ "'^^'"- (''■'-■■' -■ ••' '

Since the first publication of this address, my

'ii

>'i

■•',1 ■'

r %

111

:'4

'4 M

NOTES.

friend, Professor Bliss, was killed in a rencounter at
Louisville. Of the circumstances attending his
death, I am not sufficiently informed ta give the
particulars, nor would it be at this late period
proper for me to do so, even were it in my power
to detail them. All who knew him will admit that
a more amiable, intelligent, and high minded man
never existed, and none whose death, under the
circumstances attending it, was ever more lamented.
'''• Requiescat mpace." At the time of his death he
was preparing for publication the "Life of General
George Rogers Clark," and had been for several
years acquiring the materials to enable him to do
so. It is much to be regretted that in the dispen-
sations of Proyidence, he was not spared to finish
the work. I knew no man more capable of such an
undertaking; and I have no doubt had he lived, we
should have been furnished with a life of General
Clark, which not only would have done justice to
that great man, but have been highly creditable to
the author. What became of the materials which
he had with great labor collected for the undertak-
ing, I do not know. If in the hands of his friends,,
they should be carefully preserved for the use v.f
some future historian. The life of ''General Clark"
would be a national worky and it is to be hoped that
some western Preseott or Bancroft will, ere the ma-
terials are lost, get hold of them and furnish u&
with one of the mo»t interesting volumes that has
ever been printed. J Vnow of no work that would
be more eagerly sought for in the west — the field of
his patriotiam, enterprise, and valor.

APPENDIX.

FATHER GIBAULT.

■SERVICES TO CLARK AND HIS PATRIOTISM BUT POORLY COMPENSATED.

Pierre Gibault, Parish Priest at Vincennes, and
occasionally performing his apostolie duties on the
Mississippi, was at Kaskaskia in 1778-9, when Gen.
Clark captured that place. The services he ren-
dered Clark in that campaign, which were acknowl-
ijdged by a resolution of the Legislature of Virginia,
in 1780 — ^his patriotism, his sacrifices, his courage
and love of liberty, require of me a fuller notice of
this good man and pure patriot, than I have been
•enabled to give in the published address. Father
Gibault was a Jesuit missionary to the Illinois at
an early period, and had the curacy of the parish at
Kaskaskia when Clark took possession of that post;
and no man has paid a more sincere tribute to
the services rendered by Father Gibault to the
American cause, than Clark himself. It was a
matter of deep importance, especially after the
arrest of Rochblave, the commandant at Kaskaskia,
for Clark to conciliate, if possible, the ancient in-
habitants residing at Kaskaskia, This he effectu-

APPENDIX.

liHi:

m^i

ii!

M
lis*

' ■ , f:

ally did through the agency of Father Gibault.
Through his influence, not only were the French
population of Kaskaskia induced to supply the
troops with provisions and other necessaries, but to
receiA'^e the depreciated continental paper currency
of Virginia at par, for all supplies thus furnished,
Vigo adding his guaranty for its redemption, and
receiving it doHar for dollar, not only from the sol-
diers, but from the inhabitants, until it became en-
tirely worthless. Father Gibault, but especially
Vigo, had on hand at the close of the campaign,
more than twenty thousand dollars of this worth-
less trash, (the only funds, however, which Clark
had in his military chest,) and not one dollar of
which was ever redeemed, either for Vigo or Father
Gibault, who, for this worthless trash, disposed
"of all his cattle, and the tithes of his parish-
oners," in order to sustain Clark and his troops,
without which aid they must have surrendered,
surrounded as they were, by the Indian allies of the
British, and deprived of all resources but those fur-
nished by the French inhabitants, through the per-
suasion of Vigo and Father Gibault. But more
than thif,. Through the influence of these men,
when Clark left Kaskaskia for the purpose of cap-
turing Hamilton and his men at post Vincennes, a
company of fifty young Frenchmen was raised at
Kaskaskia, who joined Clark's troops, under the
command of Captain Charlevoix, who shared in all
the perils and honors of that glorious campaign,
which ended in the capture of the Post, and the sur-
render of Hamilton, an event more important in its

FATHER OIBAULT.

totiseqiiences than any other occurring during our
revolutionary struggle.

It was entirely through the means of Father
Gibault that Hamilton released Col. Vigo, when
«ent by Clark to ascertain the true situation of
affairs at Vincennes. He was captured by the In-
dians and taken to "Fort Sackville," where he was
kept a prisoner on parole for many weeks, and re-
leased, entirely by the interference of Father Gi-
bault, and the declaration of the French inhabitants
at Vincennes, who, with their priest at their head,
after service on the Sabbath, marched to the fort
and informed Hamilton "they would refuse all sup-
plies to the garrison unless Vigo was released."
Of that release, and the important effect of Vigo's
information to Clark on his return to Kaskaskia, in
reference to the cp,pture of the Post by Hamilton, I
have already spoken. Next to Clark and Vigo, the
United States are indebted more to Father Gibault
for the accession of tho States, comprised in what
Avas the original North-Western Territory, than to
any other man. The following memorial from this
excellent man, to Gen. St. Clair, then Governor of
the North- Western Territory, dated "Kahokia,
May 1, 1790," so true, so delicate, so modest, so
unassuming, so free from self-laudation, so perfectly
characteristic of this good father, deserves publica-
tion in connection with the facts above described, in
reference to his services to the Government, in the
most trying jjeriod of its colonial history:

"Kahokia, May 1st, 1790.

The undersigned, memorialist, has the honor to

APPENDIX.

« ■
iS ,11

»■*■■

represent to your excellency, that from the moment
of the conquest of the Illinois country, by CoL
George Rogers Clark, he has not been backward
in venturing his life, on the many occasions in
which he found that his presence was useful, and
at all times sacrificing his property, which he gave
for the support of the troops, at the same price that
he could have received in Spanish milled dollars, and
for which, however, he has received only paper doU
Uirs, (continental currency,) of which he has had no
information since he sent them, addressed to the
Commissioner of Congress, who required a state-
ment of the depreciation of them at the Belle Riviere,
(Ohio river) in 1783, with an express promise in
reply, that particular attention should be paid to his
account, because it was well known to be in no wise
exaggerated. In reality, he parted with his tithes
and his beasts, only to set an example to his par-
ishoners, who began to perceive that it was in-
tended to pillage them and abandon them after-
wards, which really took place. The want of seven
thousand eight hundred livres, (or upwards of $1,-
600 our cuiTency,) of the non-payment of which the
American notes has deprived him the use, has
obliged him to sell two good slaves, who would now
be the support of his old age, and for the want
of whom, he now finds himself dependent on the
public, who, although well served, are very rarely
led to jkeep their promises, except that part who, em-
ploying their time in such service, are supported by
the secular power, that is to say, by the civil govr
^ument.

FATHER OIBAULT.

The love of country and of liberty has also led
your memorialist to reject all the advantages oifered
him by the Spanish government; and he endeav-
ored by every means in his power, by exertions and
exhortations, and by letters to the principal inhab-
itants, to retain every person in the dominion of the
United States in expectation of better times, and
giving them to understand that our lives and prop-
erty having been employed twelve years in the
aggrandizement and preservation of the United
States, would at last receive an acknowledgment,
and be compensated by the enlightened and upright
ministers, who sooner or later would come to exam-
ine into, and relieve us from our situation. We
begin to see the accomplishment of these hopes,
under the happy government of your excellency,
and as your memorialist has every reason to be-
lieve, from proofs which would bo too long to ex-
plain here, you are one of the number who have
been the most forward, in risking their lifes and for-
tunes for their country.

He also hopes that his demand will be listened
to favorably. It is this: The missionaries, like
lords, have at all times possessed two tracts of
land near this village; one three acres in front,
which produces but little hay, three-quarters being
useless by a great morass; the other of two acres in
front, which may be cultivated, and which the me-
morialist will have cultivated with care, and pro-
poses to have a dwelling erected on it, with a yard
and orchard, in case his claim is accepted. Your
excellency may think, perhaps, that this might in-

APPENDIX. *

If:

'■ *>

Si
■ 'id

^'^

jure some of the inhabitants, but it will not. It
would be difficult to hire them to cause an enclosure
to be made of the size of these tracts, so much land
have they more than they cultivate. May it please
your excellency then, to grant them to your memo-
rialist as belonging to the domain of the United
States, and give him a concession, to be enjoyed in
full propriety in his private name, and not as mis-
sionary and priest, to pass to his successor; other-
wise, the memorialist will not accept it.

It ii. for the services he has already rendered,
and those which he still hopes to render, as far as
circumstances may offer, and he may be capable,
and particularly on the bounty with which you re-
lieve those who stand in need of assistance, that he
founds his demand. In hopes of being soon of the
number of those who praise heaven for your fortu-
nate arrival in this country, and who desire your
prosperity in everything, your memorialist has the
honor of being, with the most profound respect,
Your excellency's most obedient
and most humble servant.
"P. GIBAUI.T, Priest

" To li is excellency, Arthur St. Clair,
Major General of the Army cf the United States, and

Governor of the Territory possessed by the United

States, north-west of the river Ohio, d-c, d^c."

Whether "a concession to be enjoyed in full pro-
priety" by the venerated father, "in his private
name, and not as missionary and priest, of the two
acres in front of the village of Kahokia," on which he
proposed to have "a dwelling erected, with a gar-

FATHER GIBAULT.

den and orchard on it," was ever made, I do not
know; if there was, there is no record of it. Gov*
St. Clair, in his report to Mr. Jefferson, Secretary
of State, in 1791, makes the following remarks in
relation to this memorial :

" jS'o. 24 is the request of ^Mr. Gibault, for a small
piece of land that has long been in the occupation
of the priests at Kahokia, having been assigned
them by the French, but he wishes to possess it in
propriety, and it is true that he was very useful to
Gen. Clark upon many occasions, and has suffered
very heavy losses. I believe no injury would be
done to any one by his request being granted, but
it was not for me to give away the lands of the Uni-
ted States."

In the concessions made by Winthrop Sargent,
at the "town at post Vincenncs," while acting as
Crovernor in place of Gen. St. Clair, I find the fol-
lowing concession made in July, 1790: "Rev. Peter
Gibault, a lot about fourteen toises, one side to Mr.
I^Iillet, another to Mr. Vaudrey, ami to two streets."
Rather an indefinite description of the boundaries ;
but the "ambitious city" of 1856, I presume in
1790, had neither a Mayor, or City Engineer, to
run out the good father's lines. Judging from the
description of the concessions as then made, it would
be somewhat troublesome in these modern times, to
find them. A few examples may not be uninter-
esting, as evidencing the loose mode in which sur-
veys of town lots were made nearly seventy years
since, at the "0 Post:"

"TAe widow of Peter Grrimare — ^A house and lot,

APPEKOIZ.

•■I'

i'S..;

the boundaries not expressed^ but to be surveyed
Agreably UiposaessUm, not wterfermg vMh the streets."

^^For the CAmtcA— Four arpents front upon the
Wabash, by the usual depth; a lot where the church
stands, about twenty toises, for the church or Mr.
Antoine Gamelin."

^^Liike Decker — ^A lot twenty-five toises by fifty-
one, side to Sullivan, and three sides to streets; a
tract of two acres in front by forty deep, on river
dv, Ch% one side to Martin. This tract is said to
have been by French concession, but none has been
l)roduced. His house is built thereon."

^^ Robert Buntin—A. house and lot in Vincennes,
front to the Wabash, back to the Indian fields^ one
side by Maonaman, on the other hy Francis the Cats-
paw, about one acre in length each way."

Among the numerous concessions made to T%o,
we find the following:

"Three pieces of land in the old Indian village,
sold by Montour and other chiefs to Spring and
Busseron, in May, 1786."

"Five pieces of land formerly held by the Kettle
Carrier, sold by Quiquilaquia, the grand son of Ket-
tle Carrier, with the approbation of Montour and the
other chiefs."

"Five pieces of land in the old Piankeshaw town
at Vincennes, sold by Montour."

^^ Henry Vandei'burgh — A piece of land, twelve
arpents more or less, a part of sundry fields, for-
merly the lands of the Fiankeshaws, lying at the east
of the VILLAGE. A piece of land containing two
fields joining each other, on the old .Indian village.

HAMILTON.

sixty toises on one side, forty on the other, bounded
in front by the street where Du Beta lives, and on
the rear partly by the fields of AUebomane, and
partly by that of Nisbrache, part of Samuel Brad-
ley's land on one side, and on the other the field of
Saspacona and Nez du Carlin, sold by Nez du Car-
lin to Pierre Gamelin."

It would be very difficult for a surveyor, with
chain and compass at the present tinier to run out
these ancient boundaries.

II.

HAMILTON.

r HIS IMPRISONMENT AND CAREER AFTER HIS CAPTURE BY CLARI.

At the surrender of Burgoyne, in 1777, about four
thousand British troops fell prisoners of war, into
the hands of the Americans. By the capitulation^
tiiey were to remain prisoners in the hands of the
Americans until arrangements were made between
tiic mother country and ours^ in relation to ex-
changes of prisoners. They were first ordered to
I^oston, where they remained about a year, and
were then ordered to Charlottesville, in Virginia,
near to Montieello, for greater security. They ar*
rived there in January, 1779, and aside from the
liardships of a long journey by land, in the midst of
winter, to their destination, they found themselves
with barracks unfinished, with a great insufficiency

APPENDIX.

^^r

of provisions, and with but a jjoor prospect of siip-
))lies. Great alarm was excited among the inhab-
itants by this accession to their jiopulation, and
great fears were entertained lest a famine should
be created, this portion of Virginia then being but
])oorly supplied with bread, and other articles of
necessity for its own use. Through the influence
of Jefferson, then at Monticello, and his appeals to
the planters, all their wants were fully supplied.
J^ot only this, but he personally engaged in pro-
viding barracks for the men and quarters for the
oflftcers. It is true they were the enemies of his
country, but they were human beings, and in his
judgment, as much entitled to those kindly offices
due to his fellow-men in distress, and prisoners of
war, as those of his countrymen would be, united
though they were, by the strong ties of national
alliance and affection. No means were left un-
tried by this great and good man, to render the
situation of these captives as comfortable as circum-
stances would allow. Aided by the philanthropy
of his fellow citizens, to whom he made more than
one appeal, and by the humane and generous dis-
position of the commissary, his entreaties were
crowned with success. The barracks were com-
fortably fitted up, and a plentiful supply of provis-
ions furnished the prisoners. All this had hardly
been effected, when Governor Henry, who had been
invested by Congress with certain discretionary
powers over these ^''convention troops,^^ (as they Were
called,) alledging the inability of the State to supply
them, determined to remove them from Charlottes-

HAMILTON.

ville. This intelligence produced the greatest re-
gret and disappointment among the prisoners. —
They complained against the inhumanity of the
order, charged the government with a want of good
faith, and gave evident symptoms of a mutiny.
The citizens of Charlottesville strongly disapproved
of the measure, and received the proposition with
regret and disapprobation. Mr. Jefferson coincided
with them, and addressed a long and elaborate let-
ter to Gov. Henry, suggesting that such an act
would be indicative of bad faith and "a character of
unsteadiness and imbecility, and, what was worse,
of cruelty in the councils of the nation." In con-
formity with these views, the proposition was aban-
doned, and the prisoners permitted to remain at
Charlottesville The effect of this conduct of Mr.
Jefferson, his universal kindness to the men, and
his uniform amenity and courtesy to the officers,
endeared all to him ; so that when exchanged, both
men and officers, on taking leave at Charlottes-
ville, addressed him verbally and by letters, ex-
pressing their gratitude and good feeling, and
bidding him an affectionate adieu. Speaking of
Mr. Jefferson's conduct on that occasion, a French
historian narrating the circumstances, beautifully
says: "Surely, this innocent and bloodless con-
quest over the minds of men, whose swords had
been originally hired to the oppressors of America,
was in itself scarcely less glorious, though in its
effects less extensively beneficial, than the splendid
train of victories which had disarmed their hands."
I mention these circumstances in order to draw a

APPENDEC.

ill

.' 'h»

J.)'. .

ii.

, ill

ill

parallel between the conduct of our people, and
those of the British on similar occasions during the
war of the Revolution, when the Americans fell into
their hands. Through the whole course of that
contest, whenever the fortune of war placed our
people in their power, their treatment to them was
savage in the extreme, and unprecedented in the
history of civilized nations. On our side, the treat-
ment of British prisoners was uniformly marked
with moderation, and kind, good feeling. We were,
like our foes, children from a common stock, of the
same blood, speaking the same language. When
they yielded to our arms — became prisoners of war
— we supplied them on all occasions with the neo-
essaries of life, such as our fathers themselves were
accustomed to, with comfortable quarters. We per-
mitted them to live in American families, on their
parole to range at large, to labor for themselves*
hold and enjoy property, participating in the ben-
efits of society while sharing none of its burdens.
To their officers captured ours were always hospita-
ble, always courteous. If any one doubts this, let
him read the letters of Gen. Phillips, Baron Rud-
i.sel, and others, who surrendered themselves pris-
oners with Burgoyne's army, after their exchange,
addressed to the officers of the continental army,
expressive of their lasting attachment and grati-
tude, and bidding them an affectionate adieu. —
While on the other hand, is it *iot a matter of
history, that British officers, civil and military*
throughout the whole war, had pursued a most sav*
age and relentless course towards all who fell into

HAMILTON.

their hands — ^that they loaded with irons all Amer-
ican officers and soldiers captured by them, making
no distinction between them, as they acknowledged
none, all were rebels — ^that they consigned them to
prison-ships, crowded gaols, and loathsome dun-
geons, often without food, or when supplied, with
quantities that were small, unsound and loathsome
— that the wounded were uncared for and unat-
tended, the sick unprovided for — that our men were
transported beyond seas, or compelled by brute
force to take arms against their countrymen, and
by a refinement in cruelty unknown to the cannibals
of New Zealand, to become the murderers of their
brethren? All these things were known and felt
then. History has recorded in bloody pages the
Briton's wrath, the Briton's malice, and murder of
our countrymen.

Mr. Jeflferson, than whom no one who took part
in our revolutionary contest knew better the con-
trast between the conduct of the two belligerents
than he did, and from personal observation, was
elected Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia,
in June, 1779. The executive of that great State,
elected by the unanimous vote of her people to take
the helm, in the most critical situation of her affairs,
had no sooner taken possession of the executive
chair, than "he felt himself impelled by a sense of
public justice, to substitute a system of vigorous
retaliation." In the language of his own impres-
sive order, "he felt called on by that justice we owe
to those fighting the battles of our country, to deal
out miseries to their enemies, measure for measure,

,il.

APPENDIX.

and to distress the feelings of mankind by exhibit*
ing to them spectacles of severe retaliation, where
he had long and vainly endeavored to introduce an
emulation in kindness."

Singular enough, the "fortune of war" and the
conquest of Clark had placed in his hands some of
those very individuals, who having distinguished
themselves above their fellows in the practice of the
most atrocious cruelties; who had whetted the scalp-
ing knife of the Indian, who, in this remotest west,
had planned and plotted the massacre of the fron-
tiersman, "and fattened their cornfields" with the
blood of their wives and children, and who, more
cruel than the savages whom they had incited to
murder and rapine, were on this account proper sub-
jects on which to begin the ^''ork of retaliation.
Henry Hamilton, whose capture by Clark at "Post
Vincennes," on the 24th of February, 1779, is briefly
noted with its attending circumstances, in the ad-
di'ess to which this note is appended, and who for
some years before his surprise of that Post, and the
capture of Helms, had acted as Lieutenant and
Governor of the British possessions at Detroit under
Sir Geo. Carleton; Phillip Dejean, Justice of the
Peace for Detroit, and William Lamothe, Captain
of Volunteers, taken prisoners of war by Clark, had
been sent under guard by him to Williamsburgh
early in June, 1779. Proclamations — under his mon
handf offering a specific sum for every American
acalp brought into the camp, either by hia own
iaroops, or his allies, the Indians, and from this
fieuit denominated the "Haib-Buyeb General" bj

W'.Jl''

HAMILTON.

Clark in his proclamation to tho French inhabi-
tants of Vineennes — as well as the concurrent tes-
timony of many unprejudiced witnesses, all prove
Governor Hamilton a remorseless destroyer of not
only men, but of innocent and unoffending women
and children. A cruel, heartless and savage mon-
ster, instead of an open and honorable enemy. He
not only excited the savage to perpetrate their ac-
customed atrocities upon the citizens of the United
8tates, but with a blood-thirsty barbarity of which
history in modern times gives but few examples, he
exhibited such an eagerness and ingenuity in plan-
ning these murderous forays, as evidenced, that the
hunting and scalping of this human game harmon-
ized with his own peculiar and savage instincts.
While he gave a standing premium for scalps, he
offered no reward for prisoners, so that his Indian
allies, after forcing their prisoners to carry their
plunder into the neighborhood of the Fort, butch-
ered their captives, and carried their scalps to the
Governor, who welcomed their return and success
with a salvo of cannon, and an abundant supply of
" fire-water." Even the few Americans who were
spared by these blood-hounds, were doomed by Ham-
ilton to a series of lingering and complicated tor-
tures, worse even than those inflicted by his savage
allies, and ending finally in their death. Dejean
and Lamothe were, as it is well known, the ready
instruments of Hamilton's vengeance. The former
acting in the double capacity of judge and jailor to
the tyrant; the other as a commander of the vol-
unteer scalping parties of Indians and whites, spar-

'I
1!

tJ8

APPENDIX.

lit

x'liM

;V4

ing neither age nor sex, but devoting all to indiscrim-
inate slaughter, and by his own example stimulat-
ing the barbarian ferocity and cruelty of his savage
«;«mpeers. (See Jefferson's works, vol. 1st, appen-
dix A.)

I have myself been ii med by some of the
^^ ancient inhabitants'^ of the Post, long since gath-
ered to their fathers, but who were old enough at
the time of Clark's capture of the Post, to recol-
lect the circumstances attending it, that after the
surrender, the English flag was kept flying, and
that from the large stores of clothing on hand, Clark
<lressed some of his men in red, the uniform of the
British soldiers, and placing a sentry with British
imiform at the gate of the fort, after directing the
French inhabitants to give no intimation of the
surrender, awaited the arrival of the Indians, who
were on one of their murderous forays to the south-
side of the Ohio, and were to return to Vincennes to
join Hamilton in his meditated campaign in the Illi-
nois, for the purpose of attacking Clark and his troops
at Kaskaskia. Sullen and silent, with the scalp-lock
of his victims hanging at his girdle, and in full ex-
pectation of his reward from Hamilton, the unwary
savage, unconscious of danger, and wholly ignorant
of the change that had been eflfected in his absence,
passed the supposed British sentry at the gate of
the fort, without enquiry or molestation. But the
moment he had entered, a volley from the rifles of
a platoon of Clark's men, drawn up and awaiting
his coming, pierced their hearts, and sent the
unconscious savage, reeking with murder, to that

HAMILTON.

tribunal to which he had so frequently, by order of
Hamilton sent his American captives, from the
infant in the cradle, to the grandfather of the fam-
ily, tottering with age and infirmity. It was a just
retributimi, and few men but Clark would have
planned the ruie, or carried it out so successfully.
It is reported that upwards of fifty Indians met this
fate within the walls of "Fort Sackville" after its
surrender by Hamilton. It is easy to judge what
must have been the feelings of the " Hair-Buyer
General," who was in the fort a prisoner, and no
doubt a witness of these transactions.

Mr. Jefferson, then Grovernor of Virginia, having
in his possession these three prominent sulyjects of his
Britanic majesty, captured by American enterprise
and valor unequalled in any campaign during our
revolutionary contest, was well aware of the atroci-
ties committed by them, and by their Indian allies,
on our western frontiers by their orders. And sen-
sible as he was that acts of kindness and generosity to
the vanquished, had been met on the part of the
enemy by continued and wanton outrages — by con-
duct towards the American prisoners, who fell into
the hands of their opponents, at variance with
every law human and divine, and contrary to every
rule exercised and acted upon by civilized nations —
he determined to try the force of example. He ac-
cordingly issued an order, by advice of his council,
directing that Hamilton, Dejean and Lamothe
"should be put in irons— confined in a dungeon —
deprived of the use of pen, ink and paper, and ex-
cluded from all conversation except with their keep-

APPENDIX.

I *.

•:'•■■■

ill

if .

■1"

er." Maj. General Phillips, second in command
under Burgoyne at his capture, and who himself
was then a prisoner of war, on pai'ole in the vicinity
of Charlottesville, on hearing of the order imme-
diately remonstrated. In his letter to Mr. Jeifer-
son in regard to this order, he "endeavored to in.
validate the testimony against Hamilton — expres-
sed great doubts whether any sinf/le State of the
Confederacy had authority to make an order of
retaliation, asserting that Congress alone possessed
the power — dwelt largely on the sacred nature of
capitulation, which, in the case of the prisoners, he
contended exempted them from the severe punish-
ment awarded, whatever their previous conduct
might have been, and finally wound up in the fol-
lowing flattering appeal . "That from his (Phillips,)
residence in Virginia he had conceived the most
favorable idea of the gentlemen of this country, and
from his personal acquaintance with Mr. Jefferson,
he was led to imagine it must have been very dis-
sonant to his feelings, to inflict such a weight of
misery and stigma of disgrace upon the unfortunate
gentlemen in question." Whatever Mr. Jefl*erson's
private feelings may have been — and no one knew
better than Gen. Phillips what they were — ^he had
a duty to perform, which required in this case a
stern subordination of them to the service of his
country, and the good of mankind. There could
be no better principle of international law settled
and acknowledged, than that all persons taken in
war — ^>vhether their surrender was by capitulation
or by discretion — ^were, by all the rules of war, j^ria-

HAMILTON.

oners, and liable to the same treatment— except,
only so far as they were protected by the express
terms of capitulation. In the surrender of Hamil-
ton, no such exception was made — ^the terms of it
are set forth in the address, to which these notes are
appended. In signing his capitulation, Hamilton
had set out a flourish of reasons, it is true: "Re-
moteness of succor — the state of his prisoners — un-
animitij of his officers and men, in advising a sur-
render;" and last, but not least, "the honwahk
terms allowed, and his confidence in a generous en-
emy." What these honorable terms were, the reader
will ascertain readily, by reading the address in
which they are set out. They were simply those
granted in case of an unconditional surrender. No
exceptions whatever were made, and Mr. Jefferson
continued in the belief that the capitulation did not
exempt Hamilton and his associates from confine-
ment. In a national point of mew, however, his
conduct, it was feared, might be questioned, and his
high sense of propriety induced him to submit the
question to the Commander-in-Chief. Gen. Wash-
ington approved of his conduct, but with his great
prudence, having some doubts as to the real bearing
and extent of the terms of the capitulation, and
having a sacred respect for the laws and usages of
nations, he recommended to Mr. Jefferson a relax-
ation of the severities imposed on the captives.
After a fair trial of the effect of the proceeding in
ameliorating the condition of the American prison-
ers, then in the hands of our enemies, a serious
warning would be given to the British Government

111;

:),' nn

APPENDIX.

i'£mi

;?)».

by the act in question, Virginia would hare it in
her power to repeat it. Reformation might be pro-
duced, and then the necessity of individual chas-
tisement for na^io?ial barbarities removed. This
advice of the "Father of his Country." accorded
well with the better dictates of Mr. Jefferson's
heart, and without compromising the right, he
issued a second order of council, mitigating the
severity of the first. A parole was drawn up and
tendered to Hamilton and his fellow-prisoners. It
required them to ^'^ inoffensive in word and deed.
To this they objected, insisting on abusing the Reb-
els as much as they pleased verhally. They were
remanded to their prison ; but with their irons re-
moved. Dejean and Lamothe soon after subscribed
the parole, but Hamilton remained obstinate ; but
upon being informed by General Phillips, who had
been exchanged, that his further confinement would
be entirely gratuitmis, he finally with great reluc-
timce yielded. These stern but necessary meas-
ures, had the desired effect in time. At first the
British threatened retaliation in the severest mode.
They issued a proclamation "That no oftieers of the?
Virginia line should be exchanged, until Hamilton's
affair should be settled satisfactorily." Wiien this
was received, Mr. Jefferson at once ordered all ex-
change of British prisoner's to be stopped, with a
determination expressed, to use them as pledges for
the safety of the American prisoners in the hands
of the enemy. The practical applicp.tion, however,
of such a k^son had its effect upon the enemy dur-
ing the subsequent progress of the war. British

HAMILTON.

pretension was finally forced to yield to the cries of
their own countrymen, and the admonitions of ex-
perience. What ultimately became of this trio of
distinguished officials, I have never been able to
ascertain. It is more than probable that before the
close of the war, they were exchanged for much
better men. They probably all three returned to
Canada — Hamilton it is certain did. He was at
Quebec after the peace in 1783, as Lieut. Governor,
disposing of American property, without a shadow of
right to do so, to British subjects, as late as the year
1785. For in the examination of the claims to
lots granted at Detroit, made by the United States
Commissioners in 1806, we find among their entries
the following:

"QuEBECK, Sept. 9th, 1785.

Whereas, Matthew Elliot has for some time occu-
pied a certain lot, lying near the dock yard at Detroit,
by the water-side, this is to signify to all whom it
may concern, that if any person has pretensions to
the aforesaid lot, they are to produce the titles; oth^
erwise, the said Matthew Elliot is to hold peaceable
possession thereof, until further orders.

Given under my hand, and seal at arms, at the
Castle of St. Louis.

HENRY HAMILTON,

(American State papers, vol. 1 p. 256.)

Now, this authority of Gov. Hamilton to Matr
thew Elliot, (given under his ^^ seal-at-armsj at the
Castle of St. Louis,'') to hold possession of American
soil, "until further orders," is decidedly rich, and
perfectly characteristic of Henry Hamilton, the

.. fj

APPENDIX.

'* Hair-Buyer General' ' . For it will be remembered
by all readers of history, that two years before the
date of that grant his master, the King of Great
Britain, relinquished by the treaty of peace in 1783,
"all claims to the government, property, and terri-
torial rights of the United States to the people there-
of y^^ and in this grant was conceded all the "terri-
torial rights of Great Britain to Detroit as well as
the whole of Michigan." There is no doubt that
in his hatred of every thing American, he died
gam; but when or where, we are ignorant. The
tacts above stated are derived from Rayner's Life of
Mr. -Jeiferson — a work extremely rare, but the best
life of Jefferson extant.

III.

TECUMSEH.

We should fail in our duty as historian of the "Old
Post," if we omitted to notice an individual who
has played an important part in the history of the
North- Western Territory, especially in the cam-
paign of 181 2-' 13, on our North- Western frontiers.
The reader will at once understand that the indi-
vidual alluded to, is the one whose name heads this
article. For all those qualities which elevate man
far above his race; for talent, tact, skill, bravery as
a warrior ; for high-minded, honorable and chival-
rous bearing as a man; in fine, for all those ole-

APPENDIX.

ments of greatness which place him a long way
above his fellows in savage life, the name and fame
of Tecumseh will go down to posterity in the West,
as one of the most celebrated of the Aborigines of
this continent. As one who on this side of the Al-
leghanies at least, had no equal among the tribes
who dwelt in the country watered by the Mississippi
and its confluents. Such was the opinion of those
who knew him when he died, and such is now, I
believe, the opinion of the majority of the four or
five million of inhabitants who people the region
occupied by the tribes, which once acknowledged
his supremacy.

The tribe to which he belonged was the Shaw-
N(E. The tradition of the nation held, that they
originally came from the Gulf of Mexico; that they
wended their way up the Mississippi and the Ohio,
and settled at or near the present site of Shawnee'
tmvn^ from whence they removed to the Upper
Wabash. Be this as it may, they were found on
the Wabash early in the eighteenth century, when
the French took possession of the country, and
were known and esteemed as the ^^ bravest of the
brave.^^ This triba has uniformly been the bitter
enemies of the white man, and in every contest
with our people have shown a skill and strategy
that made them a most dangerous foe. In everj
battle-lield in the !N orth- Western Territory, pre-
vious to and during the war of eighteen hundred
and twelve, the Shawnoes wjere found in the ranks
of our enemies. From the attack on Fort Harri-
son, then garrisoned with the troops under the com-

APPENDIX.

Ifp^

mand of Captain Taylor, subsequently the hero of
"Palo Alto andRessaca de laPalma," and President
of the United States, down to the battle of Tippe-
canoe in 1811, where General Harrison commanded
the American forces; at Fort Meigs; at the River
Raisin; in line, in every engagement where the
American and British troops, met in hostile array
the war-whoop of the Shawnoe was heard above
the din of the battle-field, and his unerring rifle
carried the message of death to many of the bra-
vest of our countrymen. Of the early history of
this warrior, of course, but little can be known.
Related as he was to the "Prophet," the head chief
of the Shaw noes, and possessing the skill and brav-
ery which all acknowledge, his tact and talent,
added to his position in the tribe, must have early
given him power and influence with them, such as
no other chieftain ever possessed over the children
of the forest. At what period of his life he made
his first appearance at Vincennes, is also unknown.
Most probably from boyhood he had been accus-
tomed to visit it, inasmuch as the tribes dwelling
on the Wabash were in the constant habit of going
there, either for the sale of their property, or the
more important purpose of holding a Council. Vin-
cennes in the early part of the present century,
being the place where treaties were made and
Councils held, with all the nations of Indians dwell-
ing between the Lakes and the Ohio. A brother of
the ^^ Prophet," who had an immense influence, spir-
itual and temporal, with the Indians not only of his
own tribe, the Shawnoes, but with the other tribes

TECUMSEH.

residing on the waters of the Upper Wabash. Who,
like the founder of Mormonism, not only held direct
(jommimication with the "Great Spirit," but whose
oracles, like those of the Sybils, were held by the
untutored son of the forest as worthy of all cre-
flence, he must from this circumstance alone, have
held a high position in his tribe. It is, however,
doubtful whether Tecumseh himself was gulled by
the charlatanry of his brother. His own natural
good sense must have taught him, however, that
whatever his own private opinion might have been
on this subject, policy would seem to require that
lie should not divulge it. Well instructed in Indian
character, he knew full well tYifit fanaticism was one
of the strongest impulses to reckless bravery and
daring. For if the follower of Mahomet, wound-
ed and dying on the battle-field, in defence of his
country and his faith, believed he went to the full
enjoyment of "Houries and Sherbert" in the seventh
lieaven of the Mahomedan creed, the no less in-
fatuated Shawnee would seek danger and death in
liis contest with the "pale face," with the firm belief
that his departure from this world would usher him
at once into the hunting grounds of the next. Born
to command himself, he used all appliances that
would stimukte the courage and nerve the valor of
his followers. Always in the front rank of battle
himself with his enemies, the whites, his followers
blindly folhtwed his lead, and as his war-cry rang
rkar above the din and noise of the battle-field, the
Sha mjd ii*rriors as they rushed on to victory, or
the ^ave. rallied ii round him — "foemen worthy of

APPENDIX.

the steel" of the most gallant soldier that ever en-
tered the lists in defence of his altar or his home.

The "Battle of the Thames," in which he fell
fighting single-handed^ with the gallant leader of one
of the most distinguished corps of that bloody field,
and to whose pistol shot, if all history of that hard-
fought fight and glorious victory is to be credited,
he owed his death, and ended his career, bears wit-
ness to his skill and courage. It is not, however,
with his acts for good or evil elsewhere, that I pro-
pose to speak of him. It is only of the incidents
connected with his life while residing in the /rt(Z/«wa
Territory^ and possessing even then a control and in-
fluence over his own tribe, and the tribes that sur-
rounded it, which no Prophet, Warrior or Priest
ever held on this continent, over the aborigines of
the country, from the time of Phillip of Karragan-
sett, down to that of the most distinguished of the
Indian Chieftains of our time, that I propose to
speak.

It is well known to those who have paid the
slightest attention to our colonial history in the
early part of the present century, that it was the
ardent wish, the deep-seated thought and burning
desire of Tecumseh, to sever the tribes whom he
could influence, (who then held possession of all
the country from the old boundary line, about twen-
ty miles above Vincennes, to Lake Michigan,) from
any connexion with the whites — then commencing
the first settlement of the country, and but few in
number. His object was, and openly and boldly
avowed, to form a confederacy of the Indian tribes,

TECUMSEH.

not only north, but south; not only of the Shaw-
noes, the Miamies and the Pottawatomies of the
Wabash and the Illinois; but the Creeks, Chero-
kees and Chickasaws of the Mississippi. To make
an alliance with every tribe from Lake Erie to the
Gulf of Mexico; a league offensive and defensive as
against the whites, and to expel from the country-
all who dwelt on the north-west side of the river
Ohio, or who were residents on the south-side of the
same river below the mouth of the Cumberland.
The principle with which he started out, was one
which would have great weight with the native
tribes of th3 country, and one which, whatever we
may say to the contrary, carried with it a gi'eat
semblance of right and justice, so far, at least, as
Indians were concerned. The principle was this:
that the "Great Spirit" had created the distinction
between the "palefaces" and the "aborigines" of
the country, with a view of keeping them apart as
two distinct races. To the Indians he had given
the Great West. Here he had established their
hunting grounds: the mountain and the valley —
the hill and the prairie — ^the forest and the rivers
were theirs. He had furnished the forest and the
prairie with the Buffalo, the Deer and the Elk for
their sustenance; their skins for their robes; their
flesh for their food; the waters of the rivers and
lakes he had abundantly stocked with fish. The
Indians never were, and never would be fitted for
agriculture. They were warriors and hunters.
When game was scarce they hunted one another.
That from tlie day of Nimrod to the present, such

H Mf

^ J ;■

■^ll":

H§

i?l^' :- Vfe

^ ;^ .*.>

TECUHSEH.

liad been the destiny of the "red man." The con-
sequence must be that there could be no fraterniza-
tion, no affiliation with the white man. That when
lie came here he was an interloper, a trespasser on
their rights, an intruder on their soil, and must be
expelled. That, as the necessary resul t of all this,
they must drive him off fi'om their hunting grounds,
which he had seized unlawfully and unjustly, and
was cultivating for himself and those who were to
come after him. That it was a death-struggle be-
tween the white man and the red, and that now while
the whites were sparse in population, weak in num-
bers, and wanting in strength, was the time to strike
the blow, and if possible, exterminate the race, who
already were encroaching upon the Indian territory,
where if a foot-hold was ever obtained, it would
be difficult to remove them. How far the views of
Tecumseh were right, let the history of the West
for the last half century answer. Their progress,
like that of the buifalo, has been westward. The
waters of the Pacific will alone stay their march,
and the last war-whoop of the Indian on this conti-
nent, as he makes his final struggle with his impla-
cable foe, the white man, will mingle with the roar
of the ocean, as it rolls its breakers upon the rocks
and head-lands, which form the last barrier to the
further progress of either race towards the setting
sun. A fitting requiem for the last of a people who
once lorded it, fi'om the St. Lawrence to the Colum-
bia, from Lake Superior to the Gulf of Mexico.

Another principle which he advocated, and which
at least has some plausibility, was thii

((.

TECUMSEH.

Great Spirit had given the Indians all their lands in
common, to be held by them as such, and not by the
various tribes who had settled on portions of it-
claiming it as their own. That they were mere squat-
ters, having no ^^pre-emption riylit^^ but holding even
that, on which they lived as mere "tenants in com-
mon" with all the other tribes. That this mere
possession gave them no title to convey the land
without the consent of all. That no single tribe had
the right to sell, that the power to sell was not invest-
ed in their Chjef\ but must be the act of the War*
riors, in council assembled of all the tribes, as the
land belonged to all — no portion of it to any single
tribe. Hence, in all the councils which he held with
the whites, he uniformly refused, as did his tribe,
until after his death, to acknowledge the validity of
any treaty made between the Indians and the Gov-
ernment, utterly denying the power of one or more
tribes of Indians to convey the land they occupied
without the consent of all.

In the Spring of 1810, General Harrison being
Governor of the north-western Territory, and resid-
ing at Vinccnnes — the seat of Government — had
learned from various quarters that Tecumseh had
been visiting the different Indian tribes, scattered
along the Valleys of the Wabash and Illinois, with
a view of forming an alliance and making common
cause against the whites, and that there was great
probability that his mission had been successful.
Aware, as he was, that if this was the case, and that
if the combination had been formed, such as was rep-
resented, the settlements in the southern portion of

APPENDIX.

Indiana and Illinois were in great danger; that
Vincennes itself would be the first object of attack,
and that, with the handfull of troops in the Terri-
tory, a successful resistance might not be made; and
not probably fully aware of the extent of the or-
ganization attempted by Tecumseh, and desirous of
avoiding, if he could, the necessity of a call to arms,
he sent a message to him, then residing at the "Pro-
phet*s Town," inviting him to a council to be held
at Vincennes at as early a period as possible, for the
purpose of talking over and amicably settling all
difficulties which might exist between the whites and
the Shawnoes. It was not until the month of Au-
gust, of the same year, that Tecumseh, accompanied
by about seventy of his warriors, made his appear-
ance. They encamped on the banks of the Wabash
just above the town, and Tecumseh gave notice to
the General that, in pursuance of his invitation, he
had come to hold a talk " with him and his braves."
The succeeding day was appointed for the meetings
The Governor made all suitable preparations for it.
The officers of the territory and the leading citizens
of the town were invited to be present, while a portion
of a CO mpany of militia was detailed as guard — ^fully
armed and equipped for any emergency. Notice had
been sent to Tecumseh previous to the meeting, that
it was expected that himself and only a portion of
his principal warriors, would bo present at the coun-
cil. The council was held in the open lawn before
the Governor's house, in a grove of trees which then
surrounded it. But two of these, I regret to say, are
now remaining. At the time appointed, Tecumseh

TECUMSEH.

and some fifteen or twenty of his warriors made
their appearance. With a firm and elastic step, and
with a proud and somewhat defiant look, he advanc-
ed to the place where the Governor and those who
had been invited to attend the conference were sit.
ting. This place had been fenced in, with a view of
preventing the crowd from encroaching upon the
council during its deliberations. As 1 stopped for.
ward he seemed to scan the preparationo which had
been made for his reception, particularly the military
part of it, with an eye of suspicion— by no means,
however, with fear As he came in front of the
dais, an elevated ] ion of the place upon which
the r )vernor and ^ u )fficers of the Territory were
seateu tho Govonn^riuvited him, through his inter-
preter, to come forward and take a scat with him
and his counsellor [)remising the invitation by say-
ing: "That it was thr' wish of their 'Gueat Fath-
er,' the President of the United States, that he
should do so." The Chief paused ** )r a moment,
as the words were uttered and the sentence finish-
ed, and raising his tall form to its greatest height,
surveyed the troops and the crowd around him.
Then with his keen eyes fixed upon the Gover-
nor for a single moment, and turning them to
the sky above, with his sinewy arm pointing towards
the heaven, and with a tone and manner indicative
of supreme contempt, for ihQ paternity assigned himy
said in a voice whose clarion tones were heard
throughout the whole assembly:

^''My Fatkeri'-^The sun is my father— -the earth is
my mother — and on her bosom I will recline."

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APPENDIX.

% 1

IN.

II: ^;

Having finished, he stretchd himself with his war-
riors on the green sward. The effect, it is said, was
electrical, and for some moments there was a per-
fect silence.

The Governor, throu^^h the interpreter, then in-
formed him, "that he had understood he had com-
plaints to make, and redress to ask for certain
wrongs which he^ Tecuniseh, supposed had been
done his tribe, as well as the others ; that he felt
disposed to listen to the one, and make satisfaction
for the other, if it was proper he should do so.
That in all his intercourse and negotiations with the
Indians, he had endeavored to act justly and hon-
orably with them, and believed he had done so, and
had heard of no complaint of his conduct until he
learned that Tecumseh was endeavoring to create dis-
satisfaction towards the Government, not only
among the Shawnoes, but among the other tribes
dwelling on the Wabash and Illinois; and had, in
so doing, produced a great deal of mischief and
trouble between them and the whites, by averring
that the tribes, whose land the Government had
lately purchased, had no right to sell, nor their
chiefs any authority to convey. That he, the Gov-
ernor, had invited him to attend the Council, with a
view of learning from his own lips, whether there was
any truth in the reports which he had heard, and to
learn from himself whether he, or his tribe, had
any cause of complaint against the whites; and if so,
as a man and a warrior, openly and boldly to avow it.
That as between himself and as great a warrior as Te-
cumseh, ^here should be no concealments-all should

TECUMSEH.

be done by them under a clear sky^ and in an open, path,
and with these feelings on his own part, he was glad
to meet him in council." Tecumseh arose as soon
as the Governor had finished. Those who knew him
speak of him as one of the most splendid specimens
of his tribe— celebrated for their physical propor-
tions and fine forms, even among the nations who
surrounded them. Tall, athletic and manly, dig-
nified, but graceful, he seemed the beau ideal of an
Indian Chieftain. In a voice, at first low, but with
all its indistinctness, musical, he commenced his
reply. As he warmed with his subject his clear
tones might be heard, as if "trumpet-tongued," to
the utmost limits of the assembled crowd who gath-
ered around him. The most perfect silence prevail-
ed, except when the warriors who surrounded him,
gave their gutferal assent to some eloquent recital of
the red man's wrong, and the white man's injustice.
Well instructed in the traditions of his tribe, fully
acquainted with their history, the councils, trea-
ties, and battles of the two races for half a cen-
tury, he recapitulated the wrongs of the "red man"
from the massacre of the "Moravian Indians," dur-
ing the revolutionary war, down to the period he
had met the Governor in Council. He told him "he
did not know how he could ever again be the friend
of the white man." In reference to the public do-
main, he asserted "that the 'Great Spirit* had
given all the country from the Miami to the Missis-
sippi, from the Lakes to the Ohio, as a common pro-
petty to all the tribes that dwelt within those bor-
ders, and that the land could not^ and shmld not be

i t. ■
l.f

APPENDIX.

:«':■

fe' '

sold without the consent of all. That all the tribes
on the continent formed but one nation. That if the
United States would not give up the lands they had
bought of the Miamis, the Delawares, the Pottowat-
omies, and other tribes, that those united with him
were determined to fall on those tribes and annihi-
late them. That they were determined to have no
more Chiefs, but in future to be governed by their
warriors. That unless a stop was put to the further
encroachment of the whites, the fate of the Indians
was sealed. They had been driven from the banks
of the Delaware across the Alleghanies, and their
possessions on the Wabash and the Illinois were
now to be taken from them — that in a few years
they would not have ground enough to bury their
warriors on this side of the "Father of Waters."
That all would perish — all their possessions taken
from them by fraud, or force, unless they stopped
the progress of the white man further westward.
That it must tea war of races in whi(h ere cr the
other must perish. That their tribes had been driv-
en towards the setting sun, like a galloping horse,
("Ne-kat-a-cush-e Ka-top-o-lin-tc") That for
himself and his warriors, he had determined to re-
sist all further aggressions of the whites, and that
with his consent, or that of the Shaw noes, they
should never acquire another foot of land." To
those who have never heard the Shawnee language,
I may here remark, it is the most musical and eu-
phonious of all the Indian languages of the West.
When spoken rapidly by a fluent speaker, it sounds
more like the scanning of Greek and Latin verse,

TECUMSBH.

than any thing else I can compare it to. The effect
of this address, of which I have simply given the
outlines, and which occupied an hour in the deliv-
ery, may be readily imagined.

William Henry Harrison was as brave a man as
ever lived. All who knew him will acknowledge
his courage, moral and physical, but he was wholly
unprepared for such a speech as this. There was a
coolness, an independence, a defiance in the whole
manner and matter of the Chieftain's speech which
astonished even him. He knew Tecumseh well.
He had learned to appreciate his high qualities as
a man and a warrior. He knew his power, his skill?
his energy, his bravery. He knew his influence*
not only over his own tribe, but over those which
dwelt on the waters of the Wabash and the Illinois.
He knew he was no braggart — ^that what he said he
meant — what he promised he intended to perform.
He was fully aware that he was a foe not to be treat-
ed lightly — ^an enemy to be conciliated, not scorned
— one to be met with kindness, not contempt.
There was a stillness throughout the assembly when
Tecumseh had done speaking, which was painful.
Kot a whisper was to be heard — all eyes were turned
from the speaker to the Governor. The unwarrant-
ed and unwarrantable pretensions of the Chief, and
the bold and defiant tone in which he had announc-
ed them, staggered even him. It was some mo-
ments before he arose. Addressing Tecumseh, who
had taken his seat with his warriors, he said : " That
the charges of bad faith made against our Govern-
ment, and the assertion that injustice had been done

i ■!

mp:

\'!.'t ^

APPENDIX.

the Indians in any treaty ever made, or any council
ever held with them by the United States, had no
tbundation in fact. That in all their dealings with
the red men, they had ever been governed by the
strictest rules of right and justice. That while
other civilized nations had treated them with con-
tumely and contempt, ours had always acted in good
faith with them. That so far as he individually was
concerned, he could say in the presence of the "Great
Spirit " who was watching over their deliberations,
that his conduct, even with the most insignificant
tribe, had been marked with kindness, and all his
acts governed by honor, integrity and fair dealing.
That he had uniformly been the friend of the red
man, and that it was the first time in his life that
his motives had been questioned, or his actions im-
peached. It was the first time in his life that he had
ever heard such unfounded claims put forth, as Te-
cumseh had set up, by any Chief, or any Indian,
having the least regard for truth, or the slightest
knowledge of the intercourse between the Indian
and the white man, from the time this continent was
first discovered." What the Governor had said
thus far had been interpreted by Barron, the inter-
preter, to the Shawnoes ; and he was about interpre-
ting it to the Miamis and Pottowatomies, who form-
ed part of the cavalcade, when Tecumseh with his
warriors sprang to their feet, brandishing their war-
clubs and tomahawks. " Tell him," said Tecumseh,
addressing the interpreter in Shawnee, "he lies!"
Barron who had, as all subordinates (especially in
the Indian Department have,) a great reverence and

TECUMSEH.

respect for the "powers that be," had commenced
interpreting the language of Teciimseh to the Gov-
ernor, but not exactly in the terms made use of,
when Tecumseh who, although understanding but
little English, perceived from his embarrassment
and awkwardness, that he was not giving his words,
interrupted him and again addressed him in Shaw-
nee, said: "No, no; tell him he lies." The gut-
teral assent of his party showed they coincided with
their Chief's opinion. General Gibson, Secretary
of the Territory, who understood Shawnee, had
not been an inattentive spectator of the scene, and
understanding the import of the language made use
of, and from the excited state of Tecumseh and his
party, was apprehensive of violence, made a signal
to the troops in attendance to shoulder their arms,
and advance. They did so. The speech of Tecum-
seh was literally interpreted to the Governor. He
directed Barron to sav to him, "^e 7vould hold no
farther council with him" and the meeting broke up.
One can hardly imagine a more exciting scene —
one which would be a finer subject for an " Historical
Painting" to adorn the rotunda of the Capitol,
around which not a single picture, commemorative
of Western history is to be found. On the succeed-
ing day, Tecumseh requested another interview with
the Governor, which was granted, on condition, that
he should make an apology to the Governor for his
language the day before. This he made through
the interpreter. Measures for defence and protec-
tion were however taken, lest there should be
another outbreak. Two companies of militia were

APPKNDIX.

ordered from the country, and the one in town added
to them, while the Governor and his friends went
into council fully armed and prepared for any con-
tingency. The conduct of Tecumseh upon this occa-
sion was entirely diiferent from that of the day be-
fore. Firm and intrepid, showing not the slightest
fear or alarm, surrounded as he was with a mili-
tary force, quadrupeling his own, he preserved the
utmost composure and equanimity. No one could
have discerned from his looks, although he must
have fully understood the object of calling in the
troops, that he was in the slighest degree discon-
certed. He was cautious in his bearing, dignified in
his manner, and no one from observing him would
for a moment have supposed he was the principal
actor in the thrilling scene of the previous day.

In the interval between the sessions of the first
and second council, Tecumseh had told Barron, the
interpreter, "that he had been informed by the
whites^ that the people of the territory were almost
equally divided, half in favor of Tecumseh and the
other adhering to the Governor." The same state-
ment he made in council. He said "that two Amer-
icans had made him a visit, one in the course of the
preceding winter, the other lately, and informed
him that Governor ilarrison had purchased land
from the Indians without any authority from the
Government, and that one-half ot the people of the
territory were opposed to the purchase. He also
told the Governor, that he Harrison, had but two
years more to remain in office, and that if he^ Te-
cumseh could prevail upon the Indians who sold

TECUMSEH.

the lands, not to receive their annuities for that time,
that when the Governor was displaced, as he would
bey and a good man appointed as his successor, he
would restore to the Indians all the lands purchas-
ed from them." After Tecumseh had concluded
his speech, a Wyandot, a Kickapoo, a Pattawato-
mie, an Ottowa, and a Winnebago Chief, severally
spoke, and declared that their tribes had entered
into the "Shawn(e Confederacy," and would sui>
port the principles laid down by Tecumseh, whom
they had appointed their leader.

At the conclusion of the council, the Governor
informed Tecumseh "that he would immediately
transmit his speech to the President, and as soon as
his answer was received, would send it to him ; but
as a person had been appointed to run the boundary
line of the new purchase, he wished to know wheth-
er there would be any danger in his proceeding to
run the line." Tecumseh replied "that he and his
allies were determined that the old boundary line
should continue, and that if the whites crossed it, it
would be at their peril." The Governor replied,
"that since Tecumseh had been thus candid in stat-
ing his determination, he would be equally so with
him. The President, he was convinced, would
never allow that the lands on the Wabash, were the
property of any other tribes than those who had oc-
cupied them, and lived on them since the white peo-
ple tirst came to America. And as the title to the
lands lately purchased, was derived from those
tribes by fair purchase, he might rest assured tliat
the right of the United States would be supported
by the sword"

^iir

APPENDIX.

m ;;

I i-

' ■

ft :.

" So BE IT," was the stern and haughty reply of
the "Shawnee Chieftain," as he and his braves took
leave of the Governor and wended their way in In-
dian file to their camping ground. And thus ended
the last conference on earth between the chivalrous
and gallant Tecumseh, the Shawnee Chief, and he
who, since the period alluded to, has ruled the des-
tinies of the nation as its Chief Magistrate. The
bones of the first lie bleaching on the battle-field of
the Thames — those of the last are deposited in the
mausoleum that covers them, on the banks of the
Ohio. Each struggled for the mastery of their
race. Each, no doubt, equally honest and patriotic
in their purposes. The weak yielded to the strong
— the defenceless to the powerful, and the hunting-
ground of the Shawnee, not only on the Wabash,
but the Kansas, (where the small remnant of their
tribe has been expatriated.) is giving place to the
field of the husbandman — their tomahawks convert-
ed into plough-shares, and in a few years more the
race will be extinct. Such is the inevitable destiny
of the red man on this continent. Tribe after
tribe, nation after nation, are passing away. So
that in a few years their very name and existence
will be unknown. And while the pseitdo philan-
thropist busies himself with the wrongs, real or sup-
posed, of the negro, he has not a tear to shed over
the utter and entire destruction of a race, to whose
kindness and hospitality to his ancestors, he owes
his very existence as an American citizen. Will-
iam Penn says "no Quaker blood ever soiled the
tomahawk of an Indian." How much better for

TECUMSEH.

the Indian and the white-man, would it have been
if the whole Anglo-Saxon race had been Quakers^
Truly, as a nation, we shall have a sad reckoning in
the court of Heaven for the injustice done to the
red man — ^whatever it may be for our conduct to-
wards the black one.

As soon as the council had ended, Tecumseh em-
barked in his birch canoe, with four of his braves,
for the mission he had long contemplated, to the
tribes of the south and south-west, with a view, if
possible, to form a confederation and an alliance, of-
fensive and defensive, between the north-western and
south-western Indians, with a view of driving the
whites out of the North- Western Territory, and
preserving intact the whole region of country lying
between the Lakes and the Ohio, the Miami and
the Mississippi, from the settlements of their heredi-
tary foes.

It is very doubtful whether at this period, Gov-
ernor Harrison was aware of the object of his visit.
At any rate, whether he was or not, no efforts were
made to detain him. Descending the Wabash, the
Ohio and the Mississippi, he visited every tribe on
the south-side of the two last rivers. The Choc-
taws, Cherokees, Chickasaws, and extended his visit
to the Creeks, then occupying the country embraced
in the present States of Mississippi and Alabama,
and around the Gulf of Mexico. With all these
tribes he held councils, and in fervent and eloquent
terms, described the white-man's wrong and the
red man's injuries. Enforcing, as far as he could
among the respective tribes he visited, the more

TIT-

APPENDIX.

modern, national sentiment that in "union alone
was their strength." His motto, like that of our
fathers' during the revolutionary struggle, as evi-
denced in the Colonial papers of that day, which
have been preserved to the present time, was a dis-
jointed snake with the words, "Join or Die." His ar-
gument, that the tribes of this continent, although
speaking different languages, werehui one people, cre-
ated by the Great Spirit, with different habits, feel-
ings, opinions, social and religious, from the whites,
who were their hereditary enemies, and who, in the
first settlement of the country, having been treated
with kindness and hospitality by the Aborigines, had
repaid these acts of friendship by the destruction of
every tribe among which they had been located east
of the AUeghanios. That in the north-west, under
the pretence of purchasing from various tribes, who
had no right to dispose of the national territory of the
Indians, which was the common property of all the
tribes on the continent, they were dispossessing them
of their property by fraud and force, and would soon
drive them from their hunting grounds, beyond the
"Father of Waters," and ultimately into the Pa-
cific. That the system of robbery cmmittedon
their brethren on the north-side of the Ohio would
be extended south of that river, and that the tribes
who dwelt there, the Choctaws, Cherokees, Chick-
asaws and Creeks, would be driven from their pos-
sessions, and that but a few years would roll round
until they would not have a foot of ground to hunt
on or cultivate, from the mouth of the Cumberland to
the Belize. The history of the last half century will

TECUMSEH.

answer how far these predictions have been verified
in the action of the white man towards the red one,
whenever the selfishness or greed of the one was
to be satisfied by tlie spoil of the other.

Before Tecumseh left the Prophet's town at the
mouth of the Tippecanoe river, on his excursion to
the south and south-west, he had in different inter-
views with his brothers enforced upon him the ab-
solute necessity of preserving peace with the whites,
until his arrangements were completed for a con-
federacy of the tribes dwelling on both sides of the
Ohio river, and with those dwelling on the Missis-
sippi. He had in various conversations laid before
him the propriety and benefits to be gained from
such an alliance, and the immense power and influ-
ence to be derived from such a confederation in any
future contest with the whites. That no blow
should be struck against the settlements in Indiana
and Illinois, until the means were provided by the
Indian "wwp (Cetaty^^ to ensure their extermina-
tion, or at least, to force them out of the coun^'^y
they occupied, and drive them beyond the Ohio.
The Prophet promised that in his absence no
warlike measure should be undertaken, and that
while strengthening his forces and enlisting the oth-
er tribes on the Wabash into his service in the com-
mon cause, he would preserve amicable relations
with the whites, and by deception and chicanery,
those potent weapons of Indian warfare, lull any
suspicions that Governor Harrison might have in
reference to the peaceable intentions of the tribes
over whom the Prophet had so great an influence.

;■.!

APPENDIX.

f}9

f :

That no act should be done in the absence of Te-
cumseh, calculated to disturb the friendly relations
between the tribes residing on the Wabash and the
Government of the United States. No act done —
no expedition undertaken, until Tecumseh carried
out his plan by a union of the tribes north and
south, for the common purpose of avenging their
wrongs and expelling their enemies, the whites,
from that portion of the territory in which they had
commenced the work of settlement and civilization.
Believing that the Prophet would fully carry out
his views uncier the pledges made him, Tecumseh
felt no disposition to return until his plans were
fully matured, and the co-operation of the southern
tribes in this work of the expatriation of the white
race from the valleys of the Wabash and Illinois
secured. It will be recollected that he left Vin-
cennes after his interview with Harrison, in the
month of August, eighteen hundred and eleven.
In the meantime, the latter through the traders Lnd
others, who were acting as his spies in the Indian
country had been apprised, that movements were
making among the northern tribes, that boded no
good to the settlements in the southern portion of
the territory. Frequent councils had been held by
them, and frequent visits made by their chiefs to
the Prophet's town, at the mouth of the Tippeca-
noe. There could be no doubt that some plan was
concocting, and none more likely than that a de-
scent was to be made at an early pe7.iod upon Vin-
cennes, and the settlements around it, with a view
to their destruction, and the massacre of their in-

TECUHSEH.

the
even.

Lnd
idian
were
d no
on of
dby

3fs to

peca-
was
I de-
Vin-
view
ir in-

habitants. So strongly impressed was Governor
Harrison with this belief, that he immediately made
preparations to march with his troops, consisting of
about eight hundred men, including the 4th United
States regiment, under the command of the gallant
Miller, to the Prophet's town to compel them
to make a peace, which should be permanent^
or to chastize them. The battle of Tippecanoe,
fought on the seventh day of November, eighteen
hundred and eleven, and the important results flow-
ing from it to the whole north-western territory,
form some of the brightest pages of Western his-
tory, and need not be recapitulated. Suffice it to
say, that the defeat of the Prophet and his party
frustrated the "coalition" — ^the results of which were
looked to with such interest by Tecumseh — and de-
stroyed the grand idea for which he so long and
ably struggled, the confederacy of the Indians of
the continent against their implacable foe, the white
man. What the consequences of such an union
might have been, it is fortunate for our race that we
have no means of determining. He who holds in
the hollow of his hand the destinies of men and of
nations, for his own wise purposes gave us the vic-
toi'y, as he had done to our fathers forty years be-
fore, in the long and arduous struggle for our inde-
pendence. ! • .

Tecumseh was in the south, engaged in the miss-
ioi* which took him there, when the battle of Tip-
pecanoe was fought. His chagrin, disappointment,
and anger, when he returned and learned what had
been done ia his absence, are said to have been

'*rf:

■>', ■'

APPENDIX.

ovenvhel ruing.

Ho accused his brother of dupli-
city tand cowartlico, and it is said by those who
know him, never forgave him to the day of his
death. He remained but a short time with his
tribe, and on the breaking out of the war with
Grjat Britain, in eighteen hundred and twelve,
joined Proctor at Maiden, with a party of his war-
riors, and as in life, so in death, was found the bravo
and noble, but implacable foe of the white race,
when at the river liaisin, in a contest with his old
enemies he found a warrior's rest and a warrior's
grave — battling bravely with his foes, for what ho
no doubt honestly believed were the rights of his
people, against the aggression of those who had
most cruelly and unjustly wronged them. Peace to
his ashes.

I cannot conclude this brief and unsatisfactory
note, in reference to one of the most distinguishe<l
Indian Chieftains that ever figured on this conti-
nent, and one who played a most important part in
the aflPairs of the north-western territory during its
colonial period, without relating an incident in his
history but little known, and which I had from ono
of the parties connected with it: an incident so
expressive of the noblo and chivalrous nature
of this distinguished warrior, under circumstances
which would have led others of his tribe and kin-
dred to play a very different part, that I should
be doing injustice to his character were I not
to relate it.

In the spring of eighteen hundred and eleven, and
previous to the visit of Tecumseh to Yincennes, ii

TECUMSEII.

bocamo a matter of deep interest to Governor Har-
rison to ascertain the true feeling of the north-wes-
tern tribes towards the whites, and especially that
of the Shawnoes, governed by the Prophet, and who
it was well understood were by no means friendly.
In fact, the Governor had understood from persons
he deemed perfectly reliable, that the Shawnoes,
aided by their confederates, intended shortly to
make a foray upon Vincennes, and the lower settle-
ments of the Wabash. Anxious to ascertain the
true state of the case, and if so, to make the neces-
sary preparations to repel the attack, as he suppos-
ed, contemplated. lie sent Captain W., afterwards
Gen; W., with B., the Indian interpreter, and a flag
of truce to the Prophet's town, with the ostensible
purpose of inviting the Prophet, Tecumseh, and the
other chiefs of the Sliawnoo tribe, to a conference
with him at Vincennes. Capt. W, readily under-
took the mission. No braver or better man ever
lived, and no man better qualified to undertake so
important and dangerous a mission. Dangerous, be-
cause if the enterprise contemplated, was to be un-
dertaken by the Indians, no great time would
elapse before it was executed. And in accordance
with all rules of action among the Aborigines, the
blow would be struck speedily and secretly. The
detention of the messenger at the Prophet's town
until the scheme was executed, was almost certaiD|
and in such a case, death inevitable. It v/as
also a matter of great importance to the Shawnoes,
whose language he spoke fluently, to get hold of B.
the interpreter, for whom they had no affection, and

I k- •

f ?l

I \'

X
T

.l ^V

100

APPENDIX.

without whose aid and assistance, it was thought
the Governor would be greatly embarrassed.

Reflections of this kind carried no terror to the
gallant W. His superior had given him the orders,
and at all hazards, personal or otherwise, he deem-
ed it his duty to carry it out. With the interpre-
ter, and carrying a flag of truce, he took his depar-
ture from the "Post," and on the afternoon of the
fifth day arrived at the Prophet's town. Their re-
ception was of the most friendly character — ^the hos-
pitality of the Prophet most unexceptionable. A
cabin was prepared for them; bear-skins for their
resting place, put in requisition, and every luxury
in the way of game provided for their table. A pro-
position for a council on the ensuing day had been
made to the Prophet, and cheerfully assented to.
Every thing bore the appearance of a friendly ter-
mination of their interview, and the Captain was
much rejoiced to find matters working so favorably
in regard to the object of their mission. The mind
of B., the interpreter, was not so much at ease. Ho
was not deceived by these apparently favorable
symptoms. He knew the Indian character well;
had lived among them many years; spoke fluently
the language of every tribe which dwelt on the
Upper Wabash. Understood their customs, habits,
manners and charlatanry well, and although but im-
perfectly educated, was one of the most remarkable
men I ever knew. It is well known to those who
were acquainted with the form of government
among the Shawnoes at the time I refer to, that the
wife of the Prophet, under the royal*designation of

TECUMSEH.

101

"Queen," enjoyed an influence and power "behind
the throne greater than the throne itself." And
that while her husband, the Prophet, had an illim-
itable influence over the male portion of the tribe,
not only by virtue of his office, but by means of his
visions and direct communications with the "Great
Spirit," whose revelations, through this medium^
were as much believed in, and held canonical, by
these untutorad sons of the forest, as those of Joe
Smith orBrigham Young areby the most devout Mor-
mon of the Utah territory, she possessed an influ-
ence over the female portion of the tribe not less
potent than her husband's — an influence felt, and
often disastrously felt in the councils of the nation
— particularlv where the subjects of wrong and in-
jury to the white race were matters of deliberation.
Towards sunset of the day of the arrival of Capt
W. and B., the interpreter, at the Prophet's town,
a gathering of the squaws was noticed by the vigi-
lant and wary interpreter, whose suspicions were
avrakened a^ he saw them winding their way from
all parts of the town to a common centre, and as
they passed the hut in which W. and himself had
their quarters, they eyed it and them, with evident
marks of attention and distrust, and pointed their
fingers at B., who stood in the door-way, noticing
their movements. B., aware that something was
going on among the "softer sex" of Prophet's town,
in which he &nd the Captain were personally inter-
ested, expressed his fears to his companion, and
suggested that their detention and death was the
most probable result of the deliberations of this

if-m

102

APPENDIX.

M. II' ■

■** ;

female congress, knowing as he did, tlie influence
which the "Queen" exercised over the Prophet,
and through him over the tribe. Much to his as.
tonishment, the gallant Captain treated the matter
with perfect indifference, as he stretched himself on
his bear skin, with a view to a good night's refresh-
ment, after the fatigue of five days' hard riding..
The interpreter, however, felt but little disposition
to sleep, while his companion gave evident signs of
having forgotten all his troubles, if any he had.
Matters remained in this situation until near mid-
night — ^^V. fast asleep and B. awake to every pass-
ing sound. The night was exceedingly dark, and a
heavy mist had overspread the low ground in which
the village was situated, when a knock was made
at the door of the cabin, and a low voice wiis heard
calling the interpreter by name, in the Shawnee lan-
guage, with the request to make no noise, but open
the door and let him in. To this demand an answer
was given by B., enquiring in the same language
who it was. To this the reply was made in the same
still, low voice, "Tecumseh." The Captain was
awakened by the interpreter and informed that Te-
cumseh asked for admission. The reply was "to
admit him." The door was opened and Tecumseh
quietly and stilly entered. After making the door
fast, and listening intently to ascertain whether
there was any poise in the village, or any signs of
watchfulness from the tribe, he told W. through the
interpretation of B., that the squaws had held a
council, presided over by the Queen, in which they
had determined to apply to the Prophet to retain

TECUMSEH.

103

the whites, and if necessary to take away their lives,
and this determination having been made known to
the Pro[)het, he had called a council of the tribe, in
which the matter had been discussed, andtlie question
settled to do so. That he, Tecumseh, with a portion
of his warriors had strongly remonstrated, showing
the impolicy and wickedness of the measure, in the
strongest terms they could. That they had stated
the fact, that these men had come there under the
protection of a flag of truce, respected by all civil-
ized or savage nations, ever since the introduction
of it on the continent. That they came as bearers
of a peaceful message from Governor Harrison, re-
questing that the Proj)het and the other chiefs
of the Shawnoes, would meet him in council at
Vincennes. That whether they mot him or not,
his messengers should return in peace, and no
wrong should be done them. That they painted in
as strong colors as they could, the gross injustice
that would bo done theso mon in detaining thorn;
the serious loss and injury to tho triba in so doing;
that whatever might be their future determination
in reference to the whites — whether peace or war —
the result of such conduct must inevitably end in
the latter — a war in which no quarter would bo
given or taken, and in which, illy prepared as tho
Shawnoes then were for such a contest, the inevita-
ble result must be the capture of their town, and
the destruction of their people. For under such
circumstances, they could not justify their conduct
to the other tribes in enmity with them, who with
such a provocation, would take no part in the strug-

104

APPENDIX.

u '

'it

gle, but leave the tribe to fight it out with the
whites, as best they could without any aid from
them. That in a good cause, where the honor or
the rights of his people were concerned, he would
shed his blood, like water, in their defence; but in
a bad one, such as he could not justify himself,
such as the Great Spirit himself could not approve,
he could not fight ; and no good warrior could.
That the Prophet and the whole tribe knew well his
hostility to the whites, and that he felt no fear-
dreaded no danger — .sought every peril he could en-
counter, in every battle-field they met in, and would
were it possible exterminate the race. But it must
be in a fight that his heart approved and his judg-
ment sanct ioned. That they knew but little of him,
with all his hatred to the white race, if they believed
he would get one of their people into his power by
fraud and falsehood, and then detain them by stra-
tagem, or murder them in cold blood, as they
would do if they detained these men, and then mas-
sacred them. That he was but a war-chief, com-
manding warriors, and had but little influence in
the councils of the tribe, when opposed by the
Prophet. That it was the determination of the
council, no doubt influenced by the solicitations of
the squaws, to keep them prisoners; and as to their
future fiite, it would depend upon circumstances-
most probably they would be tomahawked or burnt
at the stake. That the only mode of preventing:
this was to make the^r escape— that he had provid-
ed for this, if they were cautious and prudent.-
They must observe the strictest silence, take the ■■

TBCUMSEH.

105

saddles and bridles and follow him. They did so.
Cautiously and stealthily thoy made their way
through the town. The darkness of the night, and
a dense fog greatly aided them in so doing. Even
the Indian dogs, so numerous and noisy at an In-
dian village, were undisturbed. Tecumseh led the
way. After passing through the village, they de-
scended into the bottoms of the Wabash, and when
almost half a mile from the town, a sound like the
gobbling of a wild turkey was responded to by
another of similar character, from the underwood
of the forest. They repaired to the spot, where
they found their horses in charge of two young
men, belonging to Tecumseh 's party, mounted on
their ponies. A few words in Shawnoe were whis-
pered to them by their Chief. A brief adieu was
bidden to the gallant and chivalrous warriors ; and
having saddled their st-eeds, accompanied by thir
guides, they made their way to the "Post" in
safety. The Indians leaving them when in reach
of the settlements, and returning to their tribe.
Such was the narrative given to me many years
since by one of the parties to the transaction, long
since gathered to his fathers, and it affords a most
beautiful and striking illustration of the noble char-
acter of the distinguished Chieftain, the incidents
of whose life, as connected with our border history,
**few and far apart" I have faintly delineated.

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. IV.

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PUBLIC LANDS.

TIIR niPPOPITION. 8KTTLRMBNT, AKD ALLOTMFNT OF TUB PCPLIC LAfMJll
TIIK "0M> VTNCKNNKS LAND LIdTUlCT," U.NOKU TUX VIIKNCU, lUiOLISH
AND A»IERICAN (iRANTS.

The disposition, allotment and settlement of the
public lands, within what is called the "Vinccnncs
Land District," is so intimately connected with the
history of the town itself, is so peculiar and anoma-
lous, that a brief description of it will not be without
interest. A volume would hardly suffice to notice
the subject in all its details. Subjects as the citi-
zens of the "Post" have been to the three greatest
powers of the world, exclusive of the colonial de-
pendence on Virginia, France, England and the
United States, each of whom have had military
possession of the place, and each of whom have re-
gulated its civil government within the last hundred
years, it may readily be supposed that its titles,
and its laws, have been as variant as the codes of
these three great nations, to each of whom in turn
they have owed allegiance. Their titles have been
regulated as well by the '' Contmne du Parisy^ the
"Customs of Paris," as the Common Law of Eng-
land, and the Statutes of the United States. Each
have made grants to the "ancient inhabitants," and
under titles derived from each of the great empires
above named, they have, for the most part, held

PUBLIC LANDS.

107

possession, and theso have at diiferent times been
confirmed by the authority of the United States.
It was peculiarly right and appropriate that this
should have been done, and although no doubt
many claims were allowed which were not strictly
legitimate, yet their long possession, previous occu-
pancy, and prior rights — oven though no written
grant or concession could he shown — made it tho
duty of the Government, after the cession of Vir-
ginia, to give to these people, where it could possibly
be done, a title which from that time would bo un-
questioned. There being no public records here,
whenever grants and concessions were made, (for not
one in one hundred could probably read or write,)
they passed by deliver//, and possession of their land
or lot was at least prima facie evidence of their
title. The boundaries of these concessions were
not very accurate or well defined ; and the honest
and unsuspecting Frenchman took about the quan-
tity which he deemed conceded by the terms of the
grant, which generally was so many "toises" or
"arpents," "more or less." There was no action of
ejectment known among these primitive settlers,
and if the land of his neighbor was encroached ujton,
the line v\'as settled by the arbitrement of their
neighbors, or the "order of the commandant,"
whose decree in the premises was a finality, from
which there was no appeal. Even the original con-
cessions themselves, made by the French and Brit-
ish commandants, were generally made upon small
scraps of paper, which it was customary, if placed
anywhere, to deposit in the "notary's otfice." He

108

APPENDIX.

;!»;

kept no record, but committed the most important
documents to loose sheets, which in the changes of
government, and in tlie lapse of time, came into the
hands of those who fraudulently destroyed them,
or thinking them of no consequence, lost or Liade
way with them. By the law which governed these
titles, the "Customs of Paris," they were considered
"a family inheritance," and often descended to
women and children. In one instance during the
government of "Monsieur St. Ange," who was
commandant at the "Post in 1774," a royal notary
ran off with all the public papers in his possession.
And in the office of Mr. Le Grand, who was notary
from 1776 to 1778, Gov. Sargent, who was acting
Governor in 1790, (Gen. St. Clair being absent,)
states in his letter to General Washington, of the
date, Vincenncs, Knox county, July 31st, 1790,
*' that the records have been so falsified, and there
is such gross fraud and forgery as to invalidate all
evidence and information, which I might otherwise
have acquired from the papers." ' '

In addition to these granls and concessions to the
"ancient inhabitants of che Post," there was a
grant by one of the French commandants, while the
country was under the dominion of Louis the 15th,
of one hundred and fifty acres adjoining the vil-
lage," (being that portion of the town laying between
what is now Busseron street and the railroad depot,
extending out into the prairie,) to the ** PiankasAaio
Indians''^^ tribe now, I believe, nearly extinct,
but then claiming to bring five hundred warriors
into the field. This tract was held by the Indians,

PUBLIC LANDS.

109

occupied by their wigwams, and by them cultivated
and improved until about the year 1786, when they
removed to the upper Wabash, and gave, or sold
their respective interests as they moved off, to their
neighbors, the French. Congress subsequently
confirmed their titles. See Act, March 3d, 1791.

Subsequent to the capture of the "Post" by
Clark, sometime in the year 1779, Col. John Todd
was sent out here as Governor and Commandant,
by the Executive and Legislative Council of Vir-
ginia, clothed with a "brief authority," for he re-
mained hero but a short time, passing on to Kas-
kaskia and appointing Mr. Lo Gras, Lieut. Gov-
ernor in his place.

During his sojourn, however, ho played "some
fantastic tricks," and assumed prerogatives in refer-
ence to the public lands, by no means to be derived
from his gubernatorial powers, as the representa-
tive of Virginia, in this newly acquired territory.
Notwithstanding, Virginia by act of legislation had
expressly declared, before ho was appointed, "that
the lands north-west of the Ohio were expressly ex-
empted from location, and no person should be
allowed pre-emption, or any benefit whatever from
settling the same," and the Governor was directed
" to issue his proclamation forbidding all persona
from settling on them, and in case of disobedience, to
make use of force to remove them." As early as
1787, Congress passed the following resolution :
., "Besolved, That the Secretary of War direct the
commanding olficer of the troops of the United
States, on the Ohio, to take immediate and efficient

110

APPENDIX.

1^^
P
If

!'i:-^

measures for dispossessing a body of men, who have,
in a lawless and unauthorizod manner, taken posses-
sion of "Pos< Si. Vincen%^' in defiance of the pro-
clamation and authority of the United States,, and
that he employ the whole, or such part of the force
under his command, as he shall judge necessary to
effect the object."

Todd went to Kaskaskia in 1779, where he issued
his proclamation descriptive of the fertility and
beauty of the "Valley of the Wabash," and strong-
ly intimating that "authority was meant to be im-
plied" — if not expressly given — ^to the Governor
by Virginia, to make grants of land. That the
Executive authority under Virginia in the north-
western territory, had the same right to make con-
cessions of land as was claimed bv the French and
British commandantB. Mr. Le Gras, his substi-
tute at the "Post," seems to have had fewer scru-
ples upon the subject of the right than his superior,
Governor Todd. Not only did he exercise the pow-
er of disposing of the public domain, but he dele-
gated it to the County Court, composed of four
judges, organized under the act of Virginia, and
who held their sessions at Vincennes. They did
a wholesale business in the way of disposing of the
domain — not only to others, but to themselves — not
only by the "arpent," but by "leagues." The way
it is stated to have been done is this: Three of the
four judges were left on the bench, while one ro*
tired. The court then made a grant of so many
^*' leagues" of land to their absent colleague, which
was entered of record — ^he returned as soon as the

PUBLIC LA.ND3.

Ill

grant was recorded, and another of these "ermined"
gentlemen left the bench, while the Chief Justice
and the other Judges made a similar grant to their
absent friend. After the grant was made and duly
recorded, he returned — the third departed, and a
similar record was made for his benefit; and so with
the fourth. In this wholesale transfer of the pub-
lic land, if continued, Virginia would have had but a
small donation to make her sister States of the confed-
eracy, when she gave up the empire she held in the
north-western territory "for the common benefit."
Governor Sargent complainsof their wholesale plun-
der of the public domain, in his letter to General
Washington in 1790, and among the documents ac-
companying that letter, is the answer of the Judges
to his enquiry, "by what right these concessions
were made," and is as follows:
"To the Honorable Winthrop Sargent, Esquire,
Secretary in and for the Territory of the United
States, north-west of the river Ohio, and vested
with all powers of Governor and Commander-in-
Chief:

Sir: — As you have given orders to the Magis-
trates who formerly composed the Court of the Dis-
trict of Vincennes, under the jurisdiction of Virgin-
ia, to give you their reasons for having taken upon
them to grant concessions for the lands within the
district, in obedience thereto, we beg leave to inform
you that their principal reason is, that since the es-
tablishment of the country, the Commandants have
always appeared to be vested with powers to give
lands. Their founder, Mr. Vincennes, began to

112

aff£n:)ix. r

■ji' ■;■

give concessions, and all his successors have given
lands and lots. Mr. Lc Gras was appointed com*
mandantof "Post Vincennes" by the Lieutenant
of the county and commander-in-chief, John Todd,
who wtis in the year 1779 sent by the State of Vir-
ginia for to regulate the government of the country^
and who substituted Mr. Le Gras with his power.
In his absence, Mr. Le Gras, who was then com-
mandant, assumed that he had in quality of com-
mandant, authority to give lands according to the
ancient usages of other commanders, and he verbally
informed the court of "Post Vincennes" that when
th^ would judge it proper to give lands or lots to
those who should come into the country to settle, or
otherwise, they might do it, and that he gave them
permission so to do. These are the reasons that we
acted on, and if we have done more than we ought,
it was on account of the little knowledge which wo
had of public affairs. . ;i; • •

We are with great respect^ .,* -<
Your honors most obedient,

And very humble servants,
F. BOSSERON, .
L. E. DELINE,
, , , , PIERRE GAMELIN,

,/.'... > PIERRE QUEREZ, M his mark.
Post Vincennes, July 3d, 1790. ., • - ,,» i . ;*
Whether his honor, "Pierre Querez," made "his
mark" with his pen or his sword^ as the sturdy Ba-
rons did, who wrenched the charter from King
John, history gives no intimation. It is however
but fair to presume that as one of the '* Justices of

PUBLIC LANDS.

113

the quorum" established at ''the Post'' in 1790 by
"John Todd of Virginia," who was "'sent for to re-
gulate the government^'' that it was with his pen.

One thing, however, is very certain, "the school-
master was notabroad" much at the "Post" in 1790,
or ''Judge Querez" would have given us a specimen
of his chirography, and which, as a faithful annal-
ist, I regret to say, I believe he was unable to do.
As an impartial historian, however, of the actings
and doings of the "Post" seventy years since, I feel
it my duty to state, that the land operations of the
'^Honorable Pierre Querez,^' as one of the Judges of
the "Court of Common Pleas for the counties of
Vincennes and Illinois," have made their "mark"
as well upon the Records of the Land Office, as
those of the Court of which he was an honorable mem-
ber. I find that in the Report of the Commission-
ers for "examining claims to land in the district of
Vincennes, in pursuance of the act of Congress of
March 4tli, 1804," in a schedule of "cases not cm-
braced by any act of Congress," and rejected, is to
be found the following claims: "Thomas Flower
claims an undivided third part of an undivided
fourth part of a grant made by the Court to "Pierre
Querez," father, and Pierre Querez, son, of a tract of
land beginning at theRiver Marie, to White Riv-
er, and ahoiht ten leagues deep, excluding from said
grant any land that may have been granted, as as-
signee of Pierre Querez, father."

"The heirs of Isaac Decker, assignee of Pierre
Querez, father^ claim two thousand acres, part of the
preceding grant."

APPENDIX.

!::P

.1: :';'

^'Jonathan Furcell, assignee of Pierre Querez,
claims ^i;0 thousand acres of the same grant."

'^Thomas Flower, assignee of Pierre Querez, claims
twinin thousand acres of the same grant."

"Thomas Flower claims an uncertain quantity of
the same grant."

It is but justice to "Judge Querez" to say, that he
was not alone of the Honorable Court to whom the
whole country, to which the Indian title had been
extinguished, was parceled out. Judge Gamelin
seems to have come in for a fair share. For in the
same document, I find among the rejected claims:

"Thomas Flower, as assignee of Pieire (■amelin^
(AsAins forty-one thousand acres"

"Jonathan Purcell, assignee of Pierre Gardelin and
Nicholas FerroitfClaimQ twenty-seven tlunisand acres"

Truly, if there had been a confirmation of these
magnificent grants, the office of Judge would have
been much more valuable and lucrative than it is
in this hard-working and poorly-paid era, if we take
our judiciary as an example.

These immense and unauthorized grants gave a
great deal of trouble to the Government in the early
settlement of Indiana, and for many years after.
For as late as 1802, we find Gen. Harrison, under
date of June 19th of that year, being then Gover-
nor of the Territory, writing to Mr. Madison, Secre-
tary of State, as follows:

ViNCENNEs, June 19th, 1802.

Sir— The circumstances mentioned in this letter

I have considered of sufficient importance to be

communicated to the President. The Court est. .b-

lishcd at this place, under the authority of the State

PUBUC LANDS.

116

of Virginia^ in the year 1780, (as I before have done
myself the honor to inform you,) assumed to ihem,'
selves the right of granting land to every applicant.
Having exercised this power for some time, without
opposition, they began to conclude that their right
over the land was supreme^ and that they could, with
as much propriety, grant to themselves as to others.
Accordingly, an arrangement was made, by which
the whole country to which the Indian title was sup-
posed to be extinguished, was divided between the
members of the Court, and orders to that eifect en-
tered on the Journal— each member absenting
himself from the Court on the day that the
order, was to be made in his favor, so that it might
appear to be the act of his fellows only. The tract
thus disposed of extends on the Wabash River,
twenty-four leagues from "Point Coupe," to the
mouth of White River, and forty leagues into the
country west, and thirty east from the Wa-
bash, excluding only the land immediately surround-
ing the town, which had before been granted to the
amount of twenty or thirty thousand acres.

"The authors of this ridiculous transaction soon
found that no advantage could bo derived from it,
as they could find no purchasers ; and I belive that
the idea of holding any part of the land, was, by the
greater part of them, abandoned a few years ago.
However, the claim was discovered, and a part of it
purchased by some of those speculators who infest
our country, and, through these people, a number of
others in different parts of the United States have
become concerned, some of whom are actually pre-

116

APFENMX.

paring to make settlements on the land the ensuing^
spring. Indeed, I should not bo surprised to see-
jive hundred families settling under these titles in
the course of a year. The price at which this land
is sold enables any body to become a purchaser —
one thomand acres being frequently sold for an in-
different horse or gun. And as a formal deed is
made reciting the grant of the Court, (made as pre-
tended under the authority of Virginia,) many igr
norant people have been induced to part with their
little all to obtain^ this ideal property ; and they
will no doubt endeavor to strengthen their claim as-
soon as they discover the deception, by an actual
settlement. The extent of these speculations was.
unknown to me until lately. I am now informed
that a number of persons are in the habit of repair-
ing to this place (Vincennes,) whore they purchase
two or three hundred thoifsand acres of this claim, for
which they^et a deed properly authenticated and re-
corded, and then disperse themselves over the Uni-
ted States to cheat the ignorant and credulous.. In
some measure to check this practice, I have forbid-
den the Recorder and Prothonotary of this county
from recording or authenticating any of these pa-
pers — ^having determined that the official seals of
the Territory shall not be prostituted to a purpose
so base as that of assisting an infamous fraud.
I have the honor to be, &c.,

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.
To the Hon. James Madison, Secretary of State.

No confirmation of the grants made by this "Hon-
orable Courf^ was ever made by the Government ;

PUfiiLIC LiLVDS.

117

ftiid as the sums paid, "an indifferent horse or a ri-
fle gun," for "two or three hundred thousand acres
of land," were trifling for the original purchasers, no
great loss was suiferedby them; the purchasers wwdfer
them may have "suftered some." Land speculations
ill these more modern tin^s are not quite as cheap
or extensive, except in cases of railroad grants.

I append here a copy of a "Court Grant" made
by "Le Grand," Clerk of the Court, in French, from
the old records of the Land Oflfice in 1785, as a cu-
riosity :

Savant le pouvoirs donnes a Mons'rs Les Magis-
trals de la Coiir de St. Vincennes, par le Snr. Joan
Todd, Colonel et Grand Juge civil pour Les Etats
Unis, (Signer John Todd, Colonel and Civil Grand
Justice of the United States.) La sus ditte Cour,
apres avoir examine et murement delibere qu'il est
de neccssite essenticlle, que La Ville (the City of
Vincennes) et la campagne, soist etablie par des ha-
bitants, pour le soutien et commerce du pais du
Conte Des Illinois et St Vincenne, et voyant le
grand quantite des terres incultes, et qui n'ont
jamais ete etablie, ni concede, par aucune personne,
et en vertu de les pouvoirs. La Snr. Le Gras, Col-
onel Commandant et President pe la sus ditto Cour,
a respondre une requette et signee, on il est ordonne,
a moy Gabriel Le Grand, griffier de la Cour, de
^onjjeder et accorder Henry Coupraiter (his name
WAS Henry Cooprider,) une terre de quatre cent ar-
penten circumference, size et situ6e a I'^st du
Marais de la ville, du cliemaine du fort, aparent
Bornee a Jean Coupraiter; ^t des autres cot'O^s, an

118

APPENDIX.

i4^

111

m .A

terre non conced6e, pour ^njuir le dit Henry Cou-
praiter ses heirs. Et ayant causee en pleinne pro-
priety possessions et jouissance; comme bien a lui
appartenant, en ce soumettant au reglement qui en
seront fait par la puissance a ce siijet, et a etablir
dans I'an et jour, et e'tenir feu et lieu. Donn6 au
dit Coupraiter, pour lui servir et valloir, ce que de
raison. Ce six Juin, 1786.

LE GRAND, Greffier, de la Cour.

En registre du Gref de la ville St. Vincenne, au
folio 308.

That is to say in the King's English :

That the Court, knowing the power given to them
by "SiGNOR John Todd, Colonel and Civil Grand
Justice of the United States," after having ex-
amined and duly deliberated on the absolute neces-
sity, not only to the "City of Vincennes," but to the
whole countr}'^, that the lands hereabouts should be
settled, for the supply and commerce of the
"County of Illinois and Vincennfs," and see-
ing the great quantity of land uncultivated, which
has never been settled nor granted to any one — ^the
Court, by virtue of the powers given to them, the
Signor Le Gras, Colonel Commandant, and President
of said Court, has responded favorably to the writ-
ten request of "Henry Coupraiter," and directed
me, "Gabriel Le Grand, Clerk of the Court," to grant
and accord to said Coupraiter four hundred arpents
of landi bounded^ &c. He, the said "Henry Couprai-
ter submitting to all regulations made between a

ric

PUBLIC LANDS.

119

All which is duly enrolled in the Records of Vin-
cennes, folio 308, and was exhibited before the
Board of Commissioners, as appears by their re-
cord, March 26th, 1804.

**Signor John Todd, Colonel and Civil Grand Jus-
tice of the United States," who, seventy-two years
since, was "Tetrach of these Provinces," now con-
stituting the great States of Indiana and Illinois, and
whose word was law (and for aught I know gospel
too,) to the simple-minded Frenchmen here and at
Kaskaskia, who gave away townships of land on a
mere written request; and "Signor Le Grras, Colonel
Commandant and President of the Court," and the
more humble but not less useful "Le Grand,
Clerk," where are they? Echo answers — where?
Long since gathered to their fathers — their name
and fame unknown, except in the musty archives of
the Vincennes Land Office. What would they say
if, by the same great power that created and de-
stroyed them, they were permitted to revisit the
scenes of their past labors — were .again to become
denizens of earth — and witness the changes that
have here taken place — were to stand upon the banks
of the "Oubache" and view the population, wealth
and enterprise of the Anglo-Saxon race along its
borders — to see the towns which have risen as if by
magic — ^the cultivated farms, the manufactories, the
churches, colleges and schools? — to see in the place
of the bark canoe of the Indian paddling along its
clear waters, the steamboat loaded with our rich
products destined for the sunny South, and bounding
over its surface as if it had the vitality and speed of

120

APPENDIX.

the racer? Suppose they stood again upon the "/»>•
dian Fields" then the location of the Piankishaw
Village^ and extending their vision but a short dis-
tance, saw the steam locomotive, with its long train
of passenger and freight cars, trailing like some
huge anaconda across the commons, black with
smoke and wreathed with steam, shrieking with its
whistle and sounding afar off, giving out a screech
compared with which the war-whoop of a thousand
Indian warriors would be insignificant and unheard!
Suppose again "Signor John Todd, Colonel and
Grand Justice of the United States," wished to
communicate with Patrick Henry, Governor of Vir-
ginia, or with Mr. Jefferson, and to inform them of
his arrival here , should seek out some "courier du
bois," some half breed, to traverse what he thought
was still the wilderness between Post Vincennes and
Richmond — should be told that if he would walk a
square, the message would be sent and an answer be
returned in thirty mmutcs. Would not "the Grand
Judge of the United States's" hair stand on end and
his voice cleave to his jaws, as all these marvels of
the nineteenth century developed themselves to his
own and the muddled understandings of his compa-
nions, "Signor Le Gras, Colonel Commandant at
Post St. Vincennes," and ^'Gabriel Le Grand, Greffier
de la Cour," at the same place, in the year of our
Lord, 1787? Such have been the changes, such the
wonders, in but little over half a century. What
will they be in half a century more? Let those chro-
nicjle them who succeed us. .,, ,m^j;..,

I'l

■.;..f.,.

^*^,-\^--'. 't.V, T>7>

PUBLIC LANDS.

121

At a very early period, under the confederation,
the right of the settlers at "JPost Vincennes" to
their lots and lands became a subject of considera-
tion by Congress. In the month of August, 1788,
on the report of a committee consisting of Messrs.
Williamson, Dane, Clark, Tucker and Baldwin, to
whom was referred the report of a former commit-
tee respecting the inhabitants of Vincennes, the fol-
lowing resolution was adopted: Resolved^ That
measures be taken for confirming in their posses-
sions and titles, the French and Canadian inhabi-
tants and other settlers at " Post St. Vincennes,"
(this title of '^St. Vincennes" is used in all the old
acts of Congress, where the town is mentioned;
though it was never understood by the * 'ancient in-
habitants" that "Captain Fruncais Morgan de Vin-
senne," its founder, was enrolled upon the calender
of Saints,) who, on or before the year 1783, had set-
tled there and had professed themselves citizens of
the United States, or any of them,, and for laying off
to them the several tracts which they rightfully claim,
and which may have been allotted to them accord-
ing to the laws and usages of the Government un-
der which they have respectively scttleil." At the
same time, and on report of the same committee,
instructions were given to Gen. St. Clair, then Gover-
nor of the North- Western Territory, and then on the
Mississippi endeavoring "to extinguish the titles of
any of the Indians to the east side of the Mississip-
pi above the mouth of the Ohio," to take "Post St.
Vincennes" on his route back, and pursue such mea-
sures as were directed under the resolution above

122

APPENDIX.

In>'

(■^^

■-.Ifi ■ I

.■(■ 'i' I

mentioned, for confirming the titles of the inhabi-
tants. So far from being enabled to treat with the
Indians for their lands on the east side of the Mis-
sissippi above the Ohio, the Indians manifested a
belligerent disposition, and actually made an attack
upon the settlement near Kahokia while the Gover-
nor was there, utterly refusing to meet in Council
with him, oither there or at Vincennes, which latter
town was proposed as the place for holding their de-
liberations. War seemed inevitable ; and the de-
fenceless settlements at Kahokia, Kaskaskia, and
Vincennes seemed destined for destruction. Gov-
ernor St. Clair, therefore, without carrying out the
instructions contained in the resolution above reci-
ted, left the Illinois country and hastened to the
headquarters of Gener;] Harmar, commanding the
troops in the Western Department, having his head-
quarters at what is now the city of Cincinnati, to
concert with him a plan of an expedition against the
Indians in the North- Western Territory, "which, if
approved by the President, might disconcert the In-
dians, and place the settlements in safety." Before
leavmg the Illinois, Gov. St. Clair committed the
execution of the resolutions of Congress to Mr. Se-
cretary Sargent, then at Vincennes, upon whom the
powers of Governor devolved in the absence of Ge-
neral St. Clair, who proceeded at once "to lay off to
the ancient inhabitants of the Post the several tracts
which they rightfully claimed, and which may have
been allotted to them according to "the laws and
usages of the Governments, French and English,
under which they respectively claimed." He says

PUBLIC LANDS.

123

in the report he made to the President, "That a
petition has been presented by the inhabitants of
Vincennes, praying for a confirmation of the land
held by them as Commons, containing about »ive
thousand acres, which had been about thirtij years
under fence, which was intended to keep their cattle
within its boundaries and out of their wheat fields.
For (says he,) contrary to the usage of farmers gen-
erally, the cattle are enclosed and tlie cuUivatcd lands
are left at largeV Such was the indifference of these
primitive inhabitants in reference to their titlos, that
although they claimed this land under a grant of one
of their Commandants a half a century before, they
had not a scrap of paper to evidence their right to
it. Congress, however, on the recommendation of
Col. Sargent, subsequently confirmed their title, and
the property has since been divided and sold out.

"I have (says he) another petition, signed by one
hundred atii thirty-one Canadian, Frenoh and Amer-
ican inhabitants, all enrolled in tha militia, set-
ting forth that many of them were heads of
families, in 1783," "that they were willing
to perform an extraordinary share of military
duty, anu soliciting Congress to make them
a donation of lands." "In justice to the peti-
tioners (says Col. Sargent) I deem it incumbent on
me to observe, that the commanding officer of the
regular troops here, has been obliged, in some in-
stances, to demand their services for convoys of pro-
visions up the Wabash river, and from the weakness
of t he garrison and the present difficulties of commu-
nication with other posts and the Ohio, that he may

124

APPENDIX.

have frequent occasion for their aid, which I have
no doubt will be yielded at all times with the great-
est cheerfulness." By an act of Congress, approved
March 3d, 1791, fxnir hundred acres of land was giv-
en to "each of those persons who, in 1783, were
heads of families at Vincennes, or in the Illinois
country on the Mississippi, and who, since that time,
have removed from one of said places to the other ;
and the Governor of the Territory north-west of
the Ohio was directed to lay the same out for them ,
either at Vincennes or in the Illinois country, as
they shall severally elect." These are what p.re now
styled "Donation Tracts."

Never were a set cf men more justly entitled to
this grantthan the old French settlers at Vincennes
and on the Mississippi. Whether as subjects of the
"Grand Monarque," or of George the 2d and George
the 3d — as colonists under Virginia or citizens of the
United States — they had been ioyal and patriotic.
The change of Government seems to have made no
great difference in their habits or manners; and as
to their political opinions, isolated as they were from
the rest of the world, a change of rulers troubled
them but little. The revolutions of empires went
^on without any knowledge of theirs, until it
was made known to them by a personal acquaint-
ance with the French mousguetaire, the English gre-
nadier, the American rifleman, or the United States'
regular. Submissive and obedient, they yielded to
the powers that were, made no complaint, offered
no resistance, cultivated their common fields, sang,
danced, smoked their pipes, were regular at the

PUBLIC LANDS.

126

morning matin and evening vespers, content to take
this world as it went, and satisfied with the next if
no worse than this. No people, perhaps, on the face
of the globe were more contented or happy But a
new generation has arisen, and the progress of
"Young America," it is to be feared, is likely, ere
this century is ended, to spoil their ancient posses-
sions and overturn the land-marks, which once
marked the resting place of these "sons of St.
Louis" — once extending from the Lakes to the Mis-
sissippi, through the rich valleys of the Wabash and
the Illinois.

In addition to the grant of four hundred acres of
land made by Congress "to the heads of families at
Vincennes in 1783," another grant was made by the
act above referred to, "of a tract of land, not exceed-
ing one hundred acres, to each person who had not
obtained any donation of land from the United
States, and who, on i\io first cJaj/ of August, one thou-
sand seven hundred and ninety/, was enrolled in the
militia at Vincennes or the Illinois country ,.and had
done militia duty. (See note in Appendix.) The
several grants thus made are embraced in three
claims: 1st. Donations to heads of families, who
WLTO here in 1783. 2dly, ISurret/s under grants or
concessions made by the former Trench and Eng-
lish commandants. 3dly, Locations under wliat were
called militia rights, and which have been confirmed
by Congress. I cannot close this long note without
introducing one more extract from the letter of Col.
Sargent, Secretary of the Territory, and acting Go>'-
ernor, to Gen. Washington, then President of the

126

APPENDIX.

1 1

United States, of the date of July 31st, 1790, as evi>
dence, if any were waiting, of the patriotism of the
citizens of the "Post," the sacrifices they had made,
the losses they had incurred on behalf of the United
States, 9101^ one dollar of which has been ^ aid. I do
not speak of the depreciated currency which they
received in the continental paper of Virginia,
brought out by Clark and his troops, the only mo-
ney he had in his military chest, to conquer an em-
pire defended by some of the best troops in theEng-
lis service during the Revolution, and which misera-
ble trash, to this day unredeemed and worthless, was
received dollar for dollar at par by the French inha-
bitants at Vincennes and Kaskaskia for supplies,
without which Clark could not have held the coun-
try a week; but of those advances, in "Piastres,"
silver dollars^ made by Vigo and others, including
Father Gibault, and without which advances in
stiver^ Clark could never have marched from Kas-
kaskia to Vincennes, conquered the place, and made
Hamilton and his troops prisoners, adding by that
conquest, and that alone, live great States to our
Confederacy. Yet of the sum of nearly nine thou-
sand dollars in specie furnished Clark in the cam-
paign in the Illinois, in 1778-9, and for which Clark
gave him bills on the "agent of Virginia," that came
back protested "for want of funds," Vigo nor his
heirs to this day has never got a dollar, cither from
Virginia or the United States. So with the good
priest, "Father Gibault," who, with the same view
of aiding Clark and benefitting the American
cause, advanced him seven thousand eight hundred

PUBUC LANDS.

137

Ivures, French money— «qual to fifUm himdred and
sixty dollars of ours — "who parted with his tithes
and beasts only to set an example to his parishion-
ers" to make equal sacrifices for the American
cause; and who, for the want of this very money,
(see his letter to Gen. St. Clair, Note 1,) " had to
sell two good slaves, who would have been the
support of his old age, and for want of whom he
was dependent on the public." This good man
and pure patriot, or his heirs or descendants,, never,
to this day, have received for these advances one
dime, cither from Virginia, who received the bene-
fit of these advances, or the United States, who
acquired the territory "without fee or reward;"
and who, from the sale of it, has placed untold
millions in her treasury. I will conclude this long
note by a short extract from the concluding part
of Gov. Sargent's letter to Gen. Washington, from
"^''incenncs, of the date Jul}' 31st, 1790:

"Before I close this letter. Sir, I must take the
liberty of representing to Congress, by desire of the
citizens of this countv, and a matter which I hum-
bly conceive they should be informed of, that there
are, not only at this place, but in the several villa-
ges upon the Mississippi, considerable claims for
supplies before and since 1783, which no person as
yet has been authorized to attend to, and which is
very injurious to the interests and feelings of men,
who seem to have been exposed to a variety of dis-
tresses and impositions by characters pretending to
have acted under the orders of the Government. —
The people of Vincennes have requested me to
make known their sentiments of fidelity and attach-

128

APPENDIX.

i-:

ment to the United States, and the satisfaction they
feel in being received into their protection, which I
beg leave to communicate in their own words, by
the copy of an address presented to me on the 23d
instant."

True to theii bits and instincts, these "children
of St. Louis" were transferred from one Govern-
ment to another — to Great Britain, to Virginia, to
the United States — ^without a murmur and without a
thought of the future. The records of the Land Office
here show, that after cession of the country by France
to Great Britain, in 1763, they took the oath of al-
legiance before "Rumsey, Sub-Lieutenant of his
Majesty's 42d regiment, and Judge Advocate of the
Province of Illinois, in 1708," sent out here, as he
himself asserts on the record, "with power and au-
thority to examine the land titles of the Province of
Illinois, and administer the oath of allegiance to its
inhabitants." To Helms, £=ent here bv Clark in
1778. To Hamilton, who captured Helms, and
retook the place in December of the same year. To
(nark in 1779. To Harmar, Jilt. Clair and Sar-
geant, on behalf of the United States. In the short
space of twenty years, what changes were effected
in the political condition of the inhabitants of the
"Post!" We have no parallel on the continent. Al-
ways brave, always obedient, always loyal, the idea
of resistence "to the powers that be" never entered
the head of the "ancient inhabitant.' He smoked
his pipe, looked at the change with indifference, and
acknowledged the power and authority of his "com-
mandant," whether he was a Sub-Lieutenant of liis

TEBRITORIAL ACQUISITION.

i2d

Majesty's 42d regiment, a Captain of Virginia Ri-
flemen, or a Commander-in-Chief of the United
States troops for the Western Department. "2W
le meme chose'^ was the ready reply, as he took the
oath, kissed the book, shrugged his shoulders, and
gave an additional whiff from his pipe. Happy^
thrice happy people, in whose brains the treasona-
ble doctrines of secession or nuUifioation never en-
tered.

TERRITORIAL ACaUISITION.

TDK BXTRNSTON OF OUR TF.RRITORIA f. LIMITS TO TUB MtSSTSSIPPI AT TIIB
TUBATY OP PRAOK IN 17(3— 0AII9K» OPRKATINQ TO PttODCOB THAT SX-
TBH3I0N— KREX^nON OF F0RT3 ItY OLARK-SUftVEYS.

The foresight of Mr. Jefferson, even during the
most arduous struggles of the Revolution, had recog-
nized with the eye of the statesman, the future of
that vast region of country lying between the Miami
and the Mississippi, the Lakes and the Ohio, deno-
minated the "North-Western Territory," then the
property of Virginia, ceded by her to the United
States, and now comprising the four great States of
Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin. Not-
withstanding the trials and difficulties which sur-
rounded him— notwithstanding the cares and trou-
bles attendant upon his office as Governor of Vir-
ginia, during the most trying times of the Revolu-
tion, and at a time when not only the 9oil of his

130

APPENDIX.

iK *■ ,

:!"^t''i

native State was in possession of the foe, but the
seat of Government was migratory, as the British
troops advanced or retreated — though he himself
was a fugitive from Monticello, which had been
taken possession of by Tarleton and his troops, he
never lost sight of the great western empire, above
described, which, thanks to the bravery of Clark
and his gallant followers, had, by the conquest of
Vincennes, become the property of Virginia. It
was in the year 1779, after the capture of Hamilton,
and when Clark had returned to Williamsburgli,
then the seat of government of the "Ancient Do-
minion," that strong hopes were entertained of
peace between the Mother Country and the Colo-
nies, through the mediation of Spain; and Con-
gress, in settling the basis upon which a treaty, if
effected, was to be made, established the uti possidetis
as the only terms on which a satisfactory arrange-
ment could be made. The object of Mr. Jefferson
was to secure, by actual possession, the immense
Western Territory claimed by Virginia, to its ut-
most limits, extending to the east side of the Mis-
sissippi, He therefore "engaged a scientific corps
to proceed under au escort to the Mississippi, and
ascertain, by celestial observations, the point on that
river intersected by the latitude thirty-six degrees
thirty minutes, (36 deg. 30 min.,) the southern
limit of the State, and to measure its distance to
the Ohio." General Clark, fresh from the field of his
victory— the emptor of Hamilton, and the "Post,"
which had secured this immense Territory to his
native State— was selected by Mr. Jefferson to con-

TERRITORIAL ACQUISITION.

131

duct the military operations in that quarter. The
selection was a fit and appropriate one; no better
could have been made. He was instructed, as soon as
the southern line on the Mississippi should be ascer-
tained, "to select a strong position near that pointy
to establish there a fort and garrison; thence to ex-
tend his conquests northward to the Lakes, erecting
forts at different points, which might serve as mon-
uments of actual possession, besides affording pro-
tection to that portion of the country." Under these
orders, Fort Jefferson^ in compliment to the founder
of the enterprise, was erected and garrisoned on the
Mississippi, a few miles above the southern limit.
The result of these operations — of this expedition
of Clark — was the addition, to the chartered limits
of Virginia, of that immense region known as the
"Xorth- Western Territory," and comprehending
the {States above mentioned. At the treaty of peace
with Great Britain, in 1783, the only pretence of
claim set up by our Commissioners to this vast em-
pire, was the conquest of it by Clark, and the estab-
lishment of the forts and garrisons to the Lakes by
himself and trooj^s, "serving as the monuments of our
possession," and, carrying out the rule of ''^uti lyossi-
detis,^' was adopted as the basis of our negotiations.
The British Commissioners had to yield to evidences
so apparent of our use and occupation, and the Mis-
sissippi became our boundary on the west and the
Lakes on the north, through the wisdom of Jeffer-
son and the valor and enterprise of Clark. But
where now are these monuments of title? — these
emblems of our power?— these land-marks of

132

APPENDIX.

^1,

pi
M

III
lit

our posseasiona nearly seventy years since? Eclio
answers— where? Their very foundations are re-
moved. The tall grass of the prairie grows over
their dilapidated bastions. The plough-share of the
husbandman has furrowed their parade grounds;
and the hardy pioneer of the west has long since
preempted the localities upon which they stood.
More than one generation of the "Sons of the
West," who have occupied these fields, have been
gathered to their fathers; while they, as well as their
present descendants, have been for the most part
ignorant of the valor by which they were won, or
the patriotism and wisdom which secured them«
The names of Jefierson and Clark should have been
household words in every log cabin, between the
Miami and the "Father of Waters," and tho pre-
sent owners of these countless acres should never
forget the memory of those, by wliose courage and
peril this immense empire was added to the Union.
To no State but Virginia is the West indebted for
this priceless treasure. It is her child; and cold he
the tongue and palsied the arm that would not
speak our gratitude for her princely gift, or atrike a
bloto, if required, in defence of her honor and her
rights. I very much doubt whether any other State
in the old Confederacy, would, under the circum-
stances, have made such a donation "for the com-
mon benefit."

VI.

lA BALM'S DEFEAT.

The expedition of La Balm, undertaken in the
year 1780, from the "Illinois Country," against De»
troit, then a military post, and occupied by the
British, I have nerer seen noticed in any work con-
nected with the early history of the North-West,
except a short notice of it in Mr. Dillon's first vol*
nmo of the History of Indiana, where ho briefly
describes the fact^ and mentions the defeat of his
party. As a portion of the troops engaged in that
expedition were raised at the "Post," and many of
its "ancient inhabitants" were killed by the Indians,
at the battle fought with them by La Balm, near
the present site of Port Wayne, I have thought all
the information to be derived from the old records
of the Land Office here, in regard to it, may not be
uninteresting. It is to be regretted that a more par-
ticular account of the expedition cannot be furnish-
ed. Of the few parties who were engaged in it and
made their escape, none now survive; and we have
no record of it but what appears from the deposi-
tions taken to prove the actual settlement of parties
resident here before the year 1783, and claiming the
donation given to the "heads of families" at Vin-
cennes previous to that year, of four hundred acres
of land, as provided for by the act of Congress, ^

134

APPENDIX.

rf'j p

k >
\m

ti /

lift

In looking over the old records of the Land Office,
I find that among other testimony taken before the
Commissioners appointed to investigate land claims,
in the year 1805, is the following deposition taken
in the case of "Antonie Rembault's Heirs," claim-
ing a donation tract in right of their ancestor:

" Francis Langeiidoc being sworn, deposeth and
saith, That Antoine Rembault was here at Vin-
cennes when the Americans took the country; that
he was a single man, and lived with his father, until
his father left Vincennes. After the departure of
his father, which was before the Americans took the
country, he lived with his brothers in the house left
by their father; that he was killed in the expedition
of La Balm against Detroit; i\i2ii the children lived
altogether in their father's house before Rembault
went on La Balm's expedition."

^''Francis Viao, being sworn in the same case, de-
poseth as to the time when Helms and Clark came
to Vincennes, and when La Balm carried his ex-
pedition against Detroit, says, That Captain Helms
took Vincennes in June or July, 1778, that Ilamil-
ton took Capt. Helms, and retook Vincennes, about
the 22d of February, 1779; that La Balm started
on his expedition against Detroit about the begin-
ning of August, 1780, from the Illinois; that depo-
nent has been informed and believes, that La
Balm was defeated in September of that year, near
where Fort Wayne now stands."

The expedition of La Balm against Detroit was
organized at the "Illinois," probably at Kaskaskia or
Cahokia, where he enlisted about fifty men, and

LA balm's defeat.

136

de-

marched to Vincennes for more recruits. What
number he gathered here is unknown. It is pro-
bable his whole force amounted to about one hundred
men. The troops marched to the present site of
Fort Wayne, where they seized the goods of the
British traders, who had establishments there, deal-
ing with the Indians for peltries. It is probable
that this was the origin of the attack made upon
them by the Miamis at their encampment on the
Biver Abolte, a small stream emptying into the
Wabash above Fort Wayne. The whole party, but
with few exceptions, were massacred There are a
number of cases on the old records, where the claim-
ants, in seeking a grant of land to which they were
entitled in right of their ancestors as "Heads of Fami-
lies in Vincennes," previous to the year 1783, state
in their memorials, and make proof, that those un-
der whom they claim "were killed in the expedition
of La Balm against Detroit." The "Post," judging
from the records, must have met with a serious loss
in the number of its inhabitants, by La Balm's
defeat. Great, however, as the loss was, it affords
another proof of the loyalty and devotion of the
"ancient inhabitants" to their lately adopted Gov-
ernment, and their zeal and patriotism on every
occasion where they could in any way benefit the
Americans in their struggle for independence.

I y

'i'.. .'

VII.

/til

llr-i*

llflS^

ANCIENT GRANT.

The following is the oldest written grant of land
to be found among the papers and grants in th*
Vincennes Land Office. I copy from the origi-
nal:

"Nous, St. Louis Ange, Capitaine et Comman-
dant pour le lioy, au poste Yincenne, avons con-
cede a Marie Joseph Richard, veuve, une terro de
sept arpent de faces, sur cinquanl de profondeur,
situe au bas du petit roche, tenant des deux cote a
desterres non concede, la presente et en reconnois-
sance des bons services, qu'il a rendu, a sa Majeste^
en servan d'interprete au Sauvage, pour le detach-
ment de Monsieur Aubry, venant des Illinois pour lo
Detroit, lui ayant concede pour son utilite; et avons
signe au poste, le quinzieme Juin, mille scptc cent
cinquante neuf. ST. ANGE."

Which, translated, is as follows:

"Wc, Louis St. Ange, Captain and Commandant
for the King at Post Vincennes, have granted to
Marie Joseph Richard, widow, a tract of land, seven
arpents front and fifty arpcnts deep, situated below
the Little Rock, bounded on two sides by land not
granted. The present is in remembrance of the
good services which he (her husband) has rendered
his Majesty in serving as Indian interpreter for the

"WESTERN SUN,"

137

detachment of Monsieur Aubry coming from the
Illinois, and destined for Detroit, granted as her
own. Signed at the Post, the 16th of June, 1769,"

Ninetynaeven years since!

VIII.

WESTERN SUN.

TBI rinST PAI'KR PUINTED IN INDIANA TElJRlTrtnY— 'Iir. KDllOK— ANB
rilK UIVFICUIiTIES ATTKNDINU ITa JuM'AULlMlMKM.

A work professing to bo a history of the settle-
ment and early history of Vincennes would be very
imperfect indeed, did it not give at least a passing
notice of the first newspaper press established in the
place; and especially would it be an unpardonable
omission, when that event is almost co-eval with the
advent to the place of the Anglo-Saxon race. The
establishment of a newspaper in a place is an im-
portant era in its history. The press in modern
times has become the great conduit through which
intelligence is generally disseminated among the
masses. It brings communities in close contact
with each other, and tends in an eminent degree to
enlighten, refine and elevate the character of the
masses generally. Sometime in the year 1803, my
old friend, Elihu Stout, at that time a citizen of
Kentucky, determined to emigrate to the Indiana
Territory, and commence the publication of a news-

138

APPENDIX.

il',>

paper at Vincenncs, at that time the capitol of the
Territory. The entire Territory was then a wilder-
ness, with no roads or other avenues of communica-
tion, and the greatest difficulties and dangers had
to be encountered in traveling from one part of the
Territory to another. The settlements were few
and far between, and almost the entire Territory
was yet in the possession of the Indians. It was
at that time an undertaking of no easy performance?
and any individual, to be successful in it, must com-
bine in an eminent degree the qualities of firmness
and perseverance. Fortunately, Mr. Stout possess-
ed these qualities, and was not deterred on ac-
count of the difficulties in his way; and no sooner
had he determined upon the enterprise than he com-
menced preparations for executing it. For this pur-
pose, about the last of March, 1804, he purchased a
press and type in Frankfort, Kentucky, and these,
with a small amount of printing material, were
shipped on the Kentucky i iver in a small craft for
Vincennes. Mr. S. immediately set out on horse-
back, and reached Vincennes on the 4th of April,
1804, and 'J)rocured a room for the reception of the
type and press, which did not arrive until sometime
in June, having been transported all the way by
water on boats propelled by hand. As soon as they
arrived, however, Mr. Stout commenced prepara-
tions for issuing a paper, which was called th« "In-
diana Gazette," and on the 4th day of July, 1804,
the first number of that paper was issued, and its
publication continued with all possible regularity
for about eighteen months, when its publication was

"western sun."

139

suspended, on account of an accident by fire, until
other materials could be procured. These were
procured, as soon as circumstances would permit,
from Kentucky, and the publication of the paper
was resumed, its name being changed to that of the
"Western Sun." This wa? the first newspaper
established in the Indiana Territory, now compris-
ing the four great States of i.idiana, Illinois, Mi-
chigan and Wisconsin, and the second in all that
district of country known as the "Territory north-
west of the Ohio." Its publication was regularly
continued bv Mr. Stout until the month of Novem-
ber, 1845j when he was appointed post-master at
this place, and sold out his press and closed his
labors as an editor. The publication of the paper
for many years was continued under many and great
disadvantages. The Territory was very sparsely
settled, and a large majority of the inhabitants of
this place were French, who could not read, and as-
sisted in no way to support the paper. All his
printing materials had to be transported from
Georgetown, Kentucky, that being the nearest point
where they could be procured. And there being
no public conveyances at the time, he was com-
pelled to provide means for transporting them him-
self. And for many years he was compelled to
transport all his printing materials on horse-back,
taking with him three horses, one for riding and two
for packing. But notwithstanding these difliculties
Mr. Stout continued the regular publication of his
paper for upwards of forty years. He has in his
possession regular files of his paper, bound in vol-

140

APPENDIX.

uines, which contain much interesting and valuable
information. I am happy to say that the venerable
editor, the "Nestor" of the Western press, is still
alive, respected and beloved, and holding the office
of Recorder of Deeds, an office conferred on him by
the almost unanimous vote of his fellow-citizens<
Long may he live to retain it.

Mil

r i.

IX.

CATHOLIC CHURCH.

'11

THR CATirou*! ciirnrn at vincknnks— its kari.y kstabmsiimknt anj>

I'KOGKI 8S-irs INKI.IiKNCK Ol'ON 'J UK INDIAN TltlliKS ALUNG TIIK VAL-
LBV vV TUB WABAMI.

It is not beyond the memory of the " oldest in-
habitant" of the Post — indeed it is within the recol-
lection of all who dwelt here forty years since — that
fronting on Water, and running back on Church
street, towards the present cathedral, there was
a phiin building, with a rough exterior, built of up-
right posts, "chunked and daubed," to use an arch-
itectural expression, purely western, with a rough
coat of cement on the outside; in width about
twenty feet; in length about sixty; one story high,
with a small bellfry, and an equally small bell, now
used at the more elegant and symmetrical building-
one for architectural design and beauty not exceed-
ed in the State-^the Cathedral; and which yet

CATHOLIC CHURCH.

141

rings out the "angelus" as it had done for the last
hundred years, calling the descendants of those who
worshipped here forty years since, to the daily reli-
gious duties prescribed by their ancient church. The
building I have described— placed in the cemetery
where the various mortuary memorials, which piety
and affection had dedicated to those who had gone
before them, headed with the symbol of their faith,
and for the most part of wood, the inscriptions from
moss and time almost illegible — was the ancient
church of "St. Francis Xavier." When built, and by
whom, it is impossible, at this late period, to deter-
mine. There can be little doubt, hcvcver, that
it was erected under the auspioos of the Rev-
erend Father, who accompanied lae French troops
here in the early part of the eighteenth century,
and was, without doubt, the only church used
here for Catholic worship until the foundations
of the new edifice, which has superseded it, were
laid, and that building prepared for worship
Around that primitive church on Sundays and
Fast days might be seen the patriarch of his flock,
with blanket capot — a blue cotton handkerchief
around his head, with a pipe in his mouth, and with
his family seated in chairs, in his untired cart,
which had never known the use of iron, drawn by
a Canadian pony, and conveying his generation, as
his fathers before him had done theirs^ to the wor-
ship of the same God, and in the same manner, and
alter the same creed as their ancestors, for centuries
before, had worshipped in "La Belle France," from
whose shores they had been transplanted to those

142

APPENDIX.

Hi:;

l!
P

K'''

of the St. Lawrence. If perfect and sincere belief
in the creed they professed, an ardent and sincere
devotion to that Church, a strict observance of all
the rites and ceremonies prescribed by that church,
the regular attendance on its ministrations, a faith
in its teachings and doctrines that knew no change
constitute the Christian — and without these no
man can be one — the French population at Vin-
cennes were a religious people during the last cen-
tury, whatever may be their condition now. It is
true that the services of morning mass being over,
they sought recreation and pleasure wherever they
could find it, and sometimes in a mode which, to the
Puritan notions of a J^ew England man, might not
seem strictly in accordance with his conception of
the observance of the Sabbath.

In all the private relations of life they were uj)-
right, honorable and honest. Hospitable to an
extent probably unknown among people of a differ-
ent origin, they bid you welcome to their habita-
tions, and were always glad to make you their
guest. For many years after the Americans had
taken possession of the country, there were no tav-
erns, and "the stranger within their gates" was as
much domiciled among them during his stay, as if
he had been one of the family.

It is to bo regretted that the history of this small
chapel, dedicated to "St. Francis Xavier," its pa-
tron saint, has not been preserved in the archives
of that church now remaining. They open only as
late as April 21st, 1749. That before that time,
the chapel had been used for worship, and aside

CATHOLIC CHURCH.

143

from its regular services, births, baptisms and deaths
had been noted on its records, and memoranda kept,
there can be no doubt; for as early as 1712, at
least, Father Mermet had been sent here as mis-
sionary, and had the celebrated discussion with the
Indian medicine man, as noted in the address, and
from the first settlement in the Valley of the Wa-
bash by the French, there had been a missionary
here, as well as at "Ouiatanon," at the mouth of the
Wea, just below the present site of Lafayette. I
myself have seen, many years since, a manuscript
in Indian and French, of the ritual and prayers of
the Catholic church, made by the Jesuits at Ouia-
tanon, and a conversational dictionary in the same
language (the Miami), made at a very early period,
while stationed among the Indians on the upper
Wabash, and both in good preservation. What
became of them I never have learned. They were
preserved in the library of the church at this place.
The settlement at Ouiatanon was broken up — the
troops came here, while a portion of the inhabitants
returned to Canada, and part came to Vincennes.
It is a singular fact, but no less true, and highly
creditable to the zeal, the learning, and the piety of
the priests here, that the modest and impretending
log chapel, which I have attempted to describe,
sent out from its altar four of the Bishops of the
American Catholic Church. They were

"Benedict Joseph Flaget, Bishop of Bardstown
and Louisville;

"Arch Bishop Blanc, of New Orleans;

"Jean Jean, his colleague here in the church in

144

APPENDIX.

V'.

dl'l

1818, and appointed Bishop of New Orleans, but
declined the appointment; i

"Bishop Chabrat, Coadjutor Bishop of Bardstown
and Louisville."

In addition to these, two of the priests who have
officiated at the cathedral, have been raised to the
high honor of Bishops :

"La 'Hailandiere, Bishop of Vincennes;

"Martin, Bishop of Nachitoches, Louisiana."

So that sic dignitaries of the Catholic church of
tho United States, holding high rank and character,
have officiated as priests at Post Vincennes, and
tliree out of that number commenced their clerical
career here.

It would bo an interesting sketch, if we had the
facts, to trace the history of the church of St. Francis
Xavier, from tho commencement of the settlement
of the "Post," down to the present time, but we are
unable to do so. We have no records, and few
legends. It is now I think a matter of history, that
the Jesuit missionary, Mermet, who officiated at
Kaskaskia, in the latter part of the seventeenth
century, and the commencement of the eighteenth,
was here before tho year 1712, accompanying the
Sieur Juchereau, a Canadian officer, who came from
the French posts on the Mississippi, to establish a
military post here. It is fairly to be presumed
that " Father Senat, " who accompanied " Vin-
Benne," in the expedition against the Chickasaw
Indians, in 1736, in which engagement he was taken
prisoner, and burnt at the stake, although he might

CATHQJ^Ip CHURCH.

145

have escaped, (preferring to remain and solace and
assist the prisoners,) officiated here previous to the
departure of the troops on that expedition; but this
is but mere ponjecture.' The first entry on the
church recorcis here, is dated April 21st, 1749.
There is neithei* title page nor introduction. The
first entry is the certificate of marriage between
"Julien Trattier, of Montreal, Canada, and Josette
Marie, the daughter of a Frenchman and an Indian
woman." The only baptisms recorded during the
year, are those of the Indian adults. One of the
first deaths was Madam Trattier, aged eighteen
years, whose marriage we have above rocorded.
She was but a short time a bride, having been buried
in December, 1750, in the church, under her pew, on
the "Gospel side" — ^so says the record. The resi-
dent priest was "Father Sebastian Louis Meurin."
All certificates except those of deaths are sigiied by
"M. de St. Ange, Lieutenant of Marines arid Com-
mandant for the King, at Post Vincennes." Father
Meurin left in 1753. His last official act was the
burial of " the wife of a Corporal in the garrison,
March, 1753." He was succeeded by "Father
Louis Vivier." His first recorded act is a marriage.
May 20th, 1753. On the 24th of the same month
he buried "Pierre Leonardy, Lieutenant of the gar-
rison." His last record is dated August 28th, 1756.
The number of baptisms and marriages is small,
but increasing. Half of them are of "Hed or Indian
Slaves" belonging to the Commandant and to the
inhabitants. It was a number of years after the

?-?

«|-^

t46

AFPENDIX.

departure of tHe Jesuits, who had officiated as
priests until about the year 1760, that another
priest visited Vincennes. During the interregnum,
one "Philibert," Notary Public, administered bap-
tism as a layman, privately, and duly recorded the
names of those to whom he administered the rile,
on the register.

In February, 1770, »M. Gibault, Vicar GTeneral
of the Bishop of Quebec, for Illinois and the adjoin-
ing counties," made his first visit to Vincennes. In
March he returned* to Kaskaskia, the usual place of
his residence, but f6r several years continued to
pay occasionar visits to the Post. He was for a
time the only priest in Indiana, " His zeal and
energy were wonderful, his labors almost surpassing
belief." "We have in a former part of this work
devoted several pages to the exertions of this great
and good man. We find from -the records of the
church, that in July, 1778, he was at Vincennes,
exerting himself successfully in inducing the French
inhabitants to declare in favor of the United States,
against Great Britain. In the wooden chapel of
" St. Francis Xavier," which we have before de-
scribed, (ard which, if for no other reason should be
made historical,) he administered to them the oath
of allegiance to the United States, in the most sol-
emn manner. Being from Canada, he was an
English sufyjed, and risked everything in taking part
with the Americans. He conciliated the Indian
tribes, and rendered them friendly to the Ameri-
cans. Nor can there oe a doubt that the efforts of
this good friend, with the aid of Vigo, and the

CA.THOLIC CHURCH.

147

bravery and skill of Clark, acquired the whole of
the North-Western Territory, as a rich appanage
to that which the United States already held. "It
is a remarkable fact, (says Bishop Spaulding in his
life of Bishop Flaget, one of the early pioneers of
the church at Yincennes, and to whose work I am
greatly indebted for its chronological history,) and
highly creditable to the French settlers, and indica-
tive of the humanizing influence of the Catholic
religion, that during the period of which we are
speaking, there is not found among the numerous
deaths recorded, a single instance of a murder com.'
mitted by an Indian ! Nor is there in the register
any intimation of hostile feelings entertained by
even one of the tribes against the whites." In July,
1779, M. Gibault again visited Vincennes, then in
possession of the Americans. He remained three
weeks, discharging the duties of his office. Five
years elapsed without a visit from a priest, when
M. Gibault reappeared' in 1784, accompanied by the
Rev. M. Payet. In May, 1786, M. Gibault estab-
lished himself at the "Post," as the resident pastor.
He remained here until October, 1789, when he
finally left Vincennes, having probably been recall-
ed to Canada by the Bishop of Quebec. A layman,
Pierre Mallet, acted as " guardian of the church,"
having been thus appointed by M. Gibault, until
the arrival of M. Flaget, in 1792. In 1793, the
small-pox raged with great violence. In that year
there were no less than seventy-six deaths among the
parishioners, and M. Flaget, exhausted with his
"labors of love" among the people, nearly fell a vie-

148

APPENDIX.

tim to the pestilence. M. Iflaget remained hero
nearly two years, when he was recalled to Balti-
more by his sui^eriors. No man was ever more
beloved by his parishioners than this excellent naan
and most exemplary priest. The "ancient inhabit-
ants " speak of him to this day, with unqualified
love and admiration. So entirely devoted were the
people of Vincennes to him, that when he took his
final leave of them, to spare their feelings, he took
his departure as if going to Kaskaskia. Nor was
it until his escort returned, that the people learned
that he had probu]bl> luft them forever. M. Rivet
.succeeded him as priest, and remained here until
liis death, in 1804. There appears to have been no
regularly stationed priest here for a period of about
two vears. Those who officiated here were here but a
short time, and were attached to the missions in the
Illinois, or to the diocese of Kentucky. M. Flaget,
(•orsecrated "Bishop of Bardstown," revisited Vin-
cennes in 1814, much to the joy of those of his old
{)arishioners who were living; and again in 1819, in
1823, and 1832, which was his last visit, to meet
Bishop llosati, with a view of recommending some
tit person to the head of the See of Vincennes.
Their choice fell upon that most excellent man, and
learned aid pious prelate, Dr. Simon Brute, of
iilmot+sville, Maryland. The first Bishop of Vin-
cennes, Bishop Flaget, died at Louisville, in the
month of February, 1850, full of years, ripe in ec.
clesiastical honors, and universally beloved by all
\\'ho knew him. The small chapel of "St. Francis
Xavier" has been turned into a cathedral — the

CATHOLIC CHURCH.

14^

parish, which in the last half century had not even
a settled priest, but depended on the ministrations
of those who occasionally came here from abroad,
has become the head of a diocese. While such has
been the progress of the church, that even this,
within the last year, has been divided ; and instead
of the single priest, who once distributed the mes-
sages of love and peace to a few poor Frenchmen,
Indiana has now two diocesan Bishops, probably
sixty priests, one hundred and twenty churches or
chapels, and a Catholic population of not less than
eighty thousand inhabitants. Truly, the small wood-
en chapel of "St. Francis Xavier," has been the
"Alma Mater" of the Catholic church in Indiana.
It is an historical fact, whatever we Protestants
may say to the contrary, that the influence of the
Catholic priests, particularly the Jesuits in the
eighteenth century, over the tribes which sur-
rounded them, and for whose conversion to Chris-
tianity they labored with unceasing devotion and
energy, was much greater than those of any other
religious denomination that ever ministered to their
spiritual wants; this is peculiarly the case with
those tribes dwelling in that portion of the North-
Western Territory, out of which has been created
the «tate of Indiana. No class of men ever endured
greater sufferings, or made greater sacrifices for the
cause they were engaged in. From the time when
Marquette discovered the Mississippi, in 1673,
until the suspension of the order of Jesuits, in 1773,
a century after, these followers of the cross were
f 'instant in season and out of season," in their efforts

160

AFPEWDUL

to convert the Indian tribes dwelling between the
Lakes and the Ohio— the Miami and the Missis-
sippi. Even those who were temporarily assigned
to duty at the French villages on the Wabash and
Mississippi, viewed the conversion of the Indian
as the chief object of their missions in the West,
and inscribed upon the registers of the church the
great fact, that while ministering to the wants of
others of their flock, the great purpose which called
them here was to convert, if possible, the savage^
to the adoration of the only tnae God. Hence,
Father Rivet, one of the most zealous and laborious
of the order, inscribed upon the records of the
church here, that he was "missionary appointed for
the savages, exercising the ministry, /or fAe moment,
in the parish of 'St. Francis Xavier.'" And the
same register shows the baptism and marriage of
many Indiana of the different tribes residing along
the Wabash — the Pottawotomies, Miamies, Shaw-
nees, Piankeshaws, and Weas — while performing
his parochial duties at this place. This success
was wonderful. Out of one village, composed of
six hundred Indians, all of them were baptized,
with the exception of five or six. They had to
adopt the migratory habits of the Indians — they
followed them to their hunting grounds, "lifted up
their tabernacles in the wilderness," and adminis-
tered the ordinances of the church to these sons of
the forest, whenever and wherever an opportunity
might oifer. But it was not only toil, hunger, cold,
that these missionaries of the Cross were called
upon to endure, but many, very many were toma-

CATHOLIC CHUBCH.

151

hawked, or what was far worse, burnt at the stake,
with a cruelty and malignity which only the savage
could feel or perpetrata It is recorded of one of
these followers of Loyala, that after having been
tied to the stake, and prepared for the sacrifice, at
the suggestion of one ef the chiefs he was taken
down, and both his hands cut off at the wrist, with
a view, as was said, of preventing him from per-
forming the offices of ihe church. The mangled
flesh was seared with a burning brand, and the
good man left in the midst of his tortures, to re-
cover as he could. Strange to say, ihe did recwer,
and having been ransomed from the tribe, returned
to France. When he presented a memorial to the
head of the church to allow him, mutilated as he
was, to perform high mass, the answer from the
Pope was as eloquent as it was affecting:

** Indignum esaet. Cbristi martyrum,
Non bibere, Christi sanguinemi"

The gifts of potentates and powers, the resolu-
tions of senates, and the decrees of academies and
colleges, to the most meritorious of military, civil,
or scientific men, fall far short of the pathos and
gratitude expressed in this short answer to the
prayer of the petitioner. The history of these men
shows that neither danger nor death deterred them
for a moment in carrying out the great object of
tlieir life, the conversion of the Indian tribes spread
along the borders of our Northern Lakes, and along
Hihe valleys of the Wabash and Illinois. No sooner
was it understood that their predecessors had per-
ished, either at the stake or by the scalping-knife

162

APPENDIX;

/. i

of the Indian, than new recruits offei-ed their ser-
vices to fill their places. In fact, if we believe the
statements of these men, which have come down to
us, and there can be no doubt of their truth, a mis-
sion among these barbarous tribes, was a "labor of
love" to these heralds of the Cross. Starting from
Quebec, long before a white man had ever visited
the great West, they traversed our Northern Lakes,
established missionary stations along its borders,
crossed the portage between the Fox and the Wis-
consin, descended the Mississippi, established chap-
els at Pcoriu, then called St. Louis, at Cahokia,
Prairie du Roche and Kaskaskia, at St. Joseph,
Ouiatanon, and Vincennes. In fine, wherever be-
tween the Lakes and the Ohio, a chapel could be
erected, at whose altar the Indian could be brought
to worship, they set it up, and gathered around it
every member of the tribe who was freed from the
influence and charlatanery of their " medicine men."
That their success was great, the love and devotion
of that portion of them, small in number, which
exist at this date, to the ^^Rohes Noir,^^ afibrds
abundant evidence. And there are but few of the
chiefs of those tribes, who once lorded it along
the valleys of the Illinois and the Wabash, now
transferred to their new hunting gi'ounds bevond
rhe Mississippi, but what wear the symbol of tiieir
Savior's suffering around their necks, to them a
proud memorial of their conversion to the Chris-
tian faith. It is not for me to say, what were the
influences which gave to these intelligent and well
educated men, such an influence with the tribes

CATHOLIC CHURCH.

153

among Which they lived, such a control over their
conduct, that so eifectually disarmed their ani-
mosity to the white man, and removed their preju-
dices to a very great degree against our race. But
that it was so in a degree far superior to that of any
other Christian sect, so far as the Indian race is
concerned, is, I think, proved by all experience, in
the various missions established among the tribes.
The French have almost always succeeded in con-
ciliating them, while the Anglo-Saxon has made
but little progress in claiming their confidence or
their affection. It may be that the manners of the
two races may have something to do with it — the
one always affable, always polite, always courteous
—the other more a matter-of-fact man, and with
but few of those qualifications which, on first ac-
quaintance, give him credit, and induce the stranger
to place his trust in him. It may be that the reli-
gious forms and ceremonies of the Catholic and
Protestant churches, have had their influences
in leading the Indian to adopt the creed of the first,
instead of the latter. It may be, that that love of
gain, so inherent in the one race and not in the
other, has had the effect to direct the attention of
one, to things temporal, to the neglect of things
spiritual. For whatever may be said of the Indian
race, they are as quick to discern the motives of
men as their neighbors, the whites. A century and
a half since there dwelt in the now State of Maine,
along the Canadian borders, a large tribe of Indians
called the " Abnakis." The Jesuits had established
missions among them. The English and French

164

APPENDIX.

were at war— one of the villages of the "Abnakis"
had been attacked by the English, and the chapel
erected in it burnt. Peace having been concluded,
and Boston being nearer to the settlements of the
tribe than Quebec, the Indians deputized some of
the principal men of the nation to go to Boston, for
the purpose of engaging workmen to rebuild the
church, promising to pay them for their labors.
The Governor received the chiefs with great demon-
strations of friendship, and treated them with great
hospitality. At a council, he addressed them as
follows: "My children, I desire above all things to
re-establish your church, and will do much more for
you than the French Governor, whom you call your
*Pather.' It belongs properly to him to rebuild
it, inasmuch as in one sense he was the cause of its
destruction. In inducing jou to make war against
the English, what could I do but defend myself;
while on the contrary, he, after persuading you to
assist him in the war against us, deserted you. I
will do much better by you than he eve* did, for I
will not only provide you with laborers for the ejec-
tion of your church, but will pay them myself, and
defray all the lexpenses of its construction. But it
is no more than right, that being an Englishman, if
I rebuild your church, I should also provide you
with an English pastor^ to take care of your •church,
and to instruct you in . your religion. I will send
you one, with whom you will be much pleased, and
you can send back to Quebec the French Pastor,
who is now at your village." -fir,/ ., ; ^•^{;
"Your language astonishes me," said the deputy

CATHOLIC CHUBCH.

155

of the savages, " and I wonder at the proposition
you have made us. Listen: When you came here,
for you have known us long before the Governor of
Canada became acquainted with our people, neither
those who preceded you, nor your ministers, ever
spoke to us of prayer, or the Great Spirit. They
looked at our peltries, at our beaver skins, and our
elk skins ; and it was of them alone they took a
thought — ^it was these only that they sought with
eagerness. I could not furnish them in sufficient
abundance; and when I furnished them a large
quantity, I vf&s their jfreat friend^ their ^ood brother ^
and all that. On the other hand, my canoe one
day going astray, I lost my way, and waiwleTing for
a long time uncertain which course to pursue, I
found myself eventually in the neighborhood of
Quebec, and in a largo village of the Algonquins,
whom the "EobesNoir" were teaching. I had
merely landed, when a Jesuit came to see me, I
was loaded with peltries. The Jesuit scarcely deign-
ed to look at them. He spoke to me of the Great
Spirit, of Paradise, of Hell, and of Prayer, as the
only means of getting to Heaven. I heard him
with pleasure, and enjoyed his conversation so
much, that I remained at the village for some time
to listen to him. In fact, the prayer pleased me so
much^ that I employed him to instruct me. I ask-
ed to be baptised. I received baptism. At last I
returned to my own country. I narrated whst had
happened to me. Every one envied my good for-
tune. All wished to partieifuite in it, and were
desirous of seeking out the Black Robe immedi-

1'^^

156

APPENDIX.

lV:h

ately, and demanding baptism. Such has been the
conduct of the French towards us. If you had seen
lis first, and spoken to us concerning prayers, We
should have had the misfortune to pray as you
English do, for we should not have had the capacity
to discern whether we prayed right or not. So I
shall stick to the French prayers. It suits me well,
and I will adhere to it until the world is burnt and
destroyed. Keep your workmen, your money, and
vour minister. I psk for neither." ^ - < .. ■
MoBAL. — In striving for the conversion of the
Indian, it is better to talk with him about prayers
i\\^n peltries. ' - > i ^ w . . u .

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LIST

OF BFPBCTIVB MEN BBLONGING TO CAPT. PIERRE OA&IEUN'S COMMAS t
AT POST VINOENNES, JULY 4TH, 1790.

1 Christopher Wyant, Ensign,

2 Peter Thorn, Sergeant,

3 Frederick Mehl, do,

4 Jeremiah Mays, do,

5 Richard Johnson, Cadet,

6 Robert Johnson,

7 Joseph Cloud,

8 Daniel Pea,

9 John Loc,

10 Godfrey Peters,

11 John Murphy,

12 John Laferty,

13 Frederick Barger,

14 George Barger,

15 Peter Barger,

16 Frederick Midler,

17 Benj.Beckes,

18 Robert Day,

19 Edward Shoebrook,

20 John Westfall,

21 Edward Johnson,

22 Joshua Harbin,

23 John Robbins,

24 John Martin,

26 Abraham Westfall,
26 James Watts,

27 Thomas Jordan,

28 William Smith,

29 Daniel Smith,

30 James Johnson,

31 Ezekiel Holiday,

32 Michael Thorne,

33 Solomon Thorne,

34 Daniel Thorne,

35 Charles Thorne,

36 Christian Barkman,

37 Abraham Barkman,

38 John Rice Jones,

39 Patrick Simpson,

40 John Wilmore,

41 Frederick Lindsy,

42 Mathew Dibbons,

43 Hugh Demsey,

44 JohnCulbert,

45 Robert Garavert,

46 Isaac Carpenter.